{"title":"Political Science","description":"","products":[{"product_id":"理想国-9787100017565","title":"Ideal Country","description":"The Republic involves all aspects of Plato's ideological system, including philosophy, ethics, education, literature, politics, etc., and mainly explores the issue of an ideal country. \u003cbr\u003eThe Republic is a major dialogue by Plato. In it, Socrates, through dialogue with others, designs a political system that integrates truth, goodness, and beauty—an ideal state that can achieve justice. Plato's Republic is the earliest utopia in human history. In his ideal state, the ruler must be a philosopher. He believed that existing politics are bad, and the true way out for humanity lies in philosophers taking power. Only true philosophers could save the city-state from the crisis it faced. This belief formed the core of Plato's mature political philosophy. In his eyes, the term \"philosopher\" has a special connotation. He believed that philosophers are the noblest and most knowledgeable people, and that this kind of meritocracy, ruled by wise men, is the best political system. Therefore, the ideal state is a state with philosophers as kings. Such a state is a model state in heaven. \u003cbr\u003eIn his view, the essence of a philosopher is knowledge, possessing the virtues of wisdom, justice, and goodness. Only philosophers can grasp the highest ideals of the state, that is, grasp \"goodness,\" while others can only grasp \"opinions.\" Statecraft, as a discipline, is also a skill only philosophers possess, and thus qualified to govern. In other words, only philosophers can grasp the ideals of the state and understand how the \"ideal state\" should be organized and governed. Thus, Plato understood the so-called philosopher rule as a combination of supreme wisdom, true knowledge, perfect virtue, and absolute supreme power. He firmly believed that only philosophers could save the city-state and its people, and that philosophers were the inevitable rulers of the ideal state. \u003cbr\u003eThe human pursuit of justice and goodness is the central theme of Plato's Republic. He believed that the state, politics, and law only have meaning if they are directed toward true existence and connected to the human soul. Socrates's first topic of discussion in the Republic is the question of \"justice,\" which reveals Plato's deep yearning for justice! He believed that absolute justice resides in God, which perfectly reinforces his declaration at the end of the dialogue: \"Let us ever pursue the upward path, in pursuit of justice and wisdom.\" Justice and wisdom are not only the themes of the state but also the essence of the entire universe, for the state's starting point is \"eternal time and the changes it brings.\"\u003cbr\u003e Plato's justice manifests itself in moderation in love. To many of us, Platonic love seems synonymous with spiritual love, referring to a love that transcends time and space, exists solely between souls and is not aimed at possessing the other person physically. In reality, the true meaning of Platonic love lies in a reverence for moderation and a pursuit of goodness and beauty.","brand":"商务印书馆","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242079932655,"sku":"9787100017565","price":10.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1RVPzo7NgZ-jLOCGJaYSx-ab_6D8ZA9zy.jpg?v=1738968657"},{"product_id":"政治学-9787100018036","title":"Political Science","description":"Politics, Aristotle's \"treatise on government,\" holds multifaceted academic value. It plays an irreplaceable role in understanding the state of Greek society at the time, understanding the political, legal, ethical, and educational thought of the ancient Greeks, and studying Aristotle's doctrines. Although a treatise on political issues, Aristotle, in his exploration and interpretation of various slave regimes and their forms of rule, also proposed certain educational propositions from the perspective of the relationship between education and politics.","brand":"商务印书馆","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242081603823,"sku":"9787100018036","price":32.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1hRhrcgbN0if0990svZWNJeKPGV8Dec6F.jpg?v=1738968709"},{"product_id":"六论自发性-9787520142625","title":"Six Essays on Spontaneity","description":"【Content Introduction】\u003cbr\u003e James Scott, a renowned contemporary thinker and Yale professor, has shown us why the national perspective is wrong. Now, in this concise, accessible, and deeply personal new book, he demonstrates why the anarchist perspective matters. Engaging, combative, and even humorous, he defends anarchist thinking that values ​​local knowledge, common sense, individual creativity, and spontaneity, allowing us to examine the world in all its dimensions—from everyday sociopolitical interactions in schools, factories, nursing homes, and playgrounds to the scale of popular protest and revolution.\u003cbr\u003e 【Editor's Recommendation】 \u003cbr\u003eThe anarchism in this book isn't an ideology or a political stance, but rather a critical mode of thinking that can be applied to a wide range of everyday phenomena, such as the placement of traffic lights, shortcuts, place names, forest or plantation management, amusement park design, the significance of scientific literature indexing systems, and the relationship between nursing homes and the elderly. By applying an anarchist, non-state perspective, Scott explores the paradoxes inherent in these phenomena. For example, Ford's plantation illustrates how some procedures designed for efficiency can actually lead to a lack of efficiency, while the seemingly chaotic arrangement of local Guatemalan orchards reveals a more scientific logic. In short, as a collection of essays on spontaneity written by a leading social scientist, this booklet, a collection of reflections on the small details of life, helps readers cultivate critical and dialectical thinking.","brand":"社会科学文献出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Hardcover","offer_id":46242098118895,"sku":"9787520142625","price":17.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1Q5MFipt5KY7ox7SKlXqygWdhBqahg76T.jpg?v=1738969268"},{"product_id":"新教伦理与资本主义精神-9787542664631","title":"The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism","description":"\"The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism\" is one of Max Weber's representative works. \u003cbr\u003eWhy did capitalism, which has dominated the world since modern times, emerge solely from Western civilization? Weber, citing the constraints of culture and religion on socioeconomic development, argued that modern capitalism is characterized by its rationalized, sustained management and organized labor. The core elements of the capitalist spirit—the idea of ​​\"vocation\" and the work ethic of dedication to professional labor—share a natural affinity with the ascetic character of Protestantism. Protestantism, particularly Calvinism, which views work as a calling and a life philosophy based on the systematic and rational pursuit of legitimate gain, is the ideal spiritual driving force for the development of capitalism. This Protestant outlook fostered a rationalized lifestyle based on the concept of professionalism, a lifestyle now common among modern citizens. While asceticism fostered the emergence of the modern economic order, once capitalism established its overarching order, it established its foundations on mechanical civilization, and the worldly asceticism of Protestantism disintegrated into pure utilitarianism. Capitalism, stripped of its religious and ethical connotations, ultimately leads to \"soulless experts and mindless hedonists, these empty beings who actually believe they have reached a realm never before achieved by mankind.\"","brand":"上海三联书店","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Hardcover","offer_id":46242098512111,"sku":"9787542664631","price":20.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/12kcUx7WhvrB384uEUAGGJtsTeqGWlrHc.jpg?v=1738969279"},{"product_id":"例外状态-9787560435664","title":"Exception status","description":"This book, the third in Agamben's \"Homo Sacer\" series, further develops his historical-philosophical investigation of Western biopolitics. Agamben continues to expand his linguistic-legal thinking, attempting to reposition the concept of \"sovereignty\" as a product of the \"state of exception.\" He begins by reviewing the history of the state of exception in modern Western society, tracing its canonical origins back to Roman law. He also explores ways to overturn the state of exception within the intellectual debate between Schmitt and Benjamin, exploring the possibility of transcending the opposition between \"competence\" and \"authority\" and opening up a new space for political action. The simplified Chinese edition included in the \"Spiritual Translation Series\" is a comprehensive revision of the original Taiwanese Maitian edition.\u003cbr\u003e Indeed, the state of exception has reached its apex in global deployment today. The normative aspects of law can thus be erased and violated without sanction by a kind of governing violence; while ignoring international law externally and declaring a state of exception internally, it still claims to be applying the law. \u003cbr\u003eLiving in a state of exception means experiencing these possibilities simultaneously, but always trying to interrupt the workings of the machine that is leading the West towards global civil war by separating the two forces: the forces that make laws and the forces that abolish laws.\u003cbr\u003e Agamben's State of Exception is a timely and compelling exploration of the ability of state power to withdraw legal safeguards and legal rights, simultaneously abandoning its subjects to the improvisation of legal violence and strengthening state power. Rather than understanding the state of exception as merely contingent and limited, its initiation has become fundamental to the construction of modern state power. Agamben astutely considers the historical and philosophical implications of this power, offering a remarkable reflection on \"life\" and its tension with normativity. This is an erudite and challenging book, a call to \"shut down the machine\" and break the violent stranglehold that law exerts on life.\u003cbr\u003e —Judith Butler","brand":"西北大学出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46229650473199,"sku":"9787560435664","price":11.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1GVNQ1-qNkG3-OgGmZMorSm1JPgyveOCk.jpg?v=1739438358"},{"product_id":"人的境况-第2版-9787208168541","title":"The Human Condition: 2nd Edition","description":"The Human Condition is the most celebrated masterpiece of Hannah Arendt, a great 20th-century thinker and a timeless classic of political philosophy. Hailed as a \"textbook of participatory democracy,\" Arendt distinguishes between labor, work, and action; power, violence, and physical strength; the earth and the world; and property and wealth. She emphasizes the \"plurality\" and capacity for initiatory action inherent in the face of modern society's technological, automated, and economic modernization, thereby renewing faith and hope in human affairs. Since its publication, her understanding of the unpredictability of politics has been remarkably borne out. Over half a century later, The Human Condition continues to influence people today and tomorrow with its insightful perspectives, consistently stimulating new thought and discussion.","brand":"上海人民出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242101461231,"sku":"9787208168541","price":24.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1IcChN7TLw7bQbaqZ8dKsET6M8gf6D0LP.jpg?v=1738969384"},{"product_id":"空谈-9787532794683","title":"Empty talk","description":"★Apply intellectual debate to daily life★Return public reasoning to a bright space\u003cbr\u003e * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *\u003cbr\u003e Recommended by Chen Jiaying, Liu Qing, and Liang Wendao\u003cbr\u003e * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * \u003cbr\u003eThis book compiles recent articles by young scholar Lin Yao on philosophy, popular science, scholarship, and public discussion. It also marks the author's first independent collection of essays. The first volume, \"Studying the Dragon-Slaying Techniques of the Qiongxiang Pagoda,\" focuses on moral and political philosophy; the second volume, \"Stirring Up Dreams and Frequently Laying on the Western Sea Moon,\" focuses on American politics; and the third volume, \"Snake Hair, Rabbit Horns, Chickens, and Dogs,\" discusses topics related to the philosophy of science and religion. With rigorous logic and a sharp style, the author offers insightful and accessible explanations of numerous public topics from a philosophical perspective, hitting key points and presenting multiple perspectives.\u003cbr\u003e * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * **\u003cbr\u003e Lin Yao's writing possesses a rare combination of acute moral perception, profound philosophical reflection, rigorous argumentation, and eloquent prose, demonstrating exceptional scholarly quality in his public discourse. For over a decade, I have been a devoted reader of Lin Yao's work, and have benefited greatly from it.\u003cbr\u003e —Liu Qing (Professor of Political Philosophy and Intellectual History, East China Normal University)","brand":"上海译文出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242104443119,"sku":"9787532794683","price":37.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/14WOjafAeE9kjkoOe1rMYBw46gSPllxlS.jpg?v=1738969494"},{"product_id":"逃避统治的艺术-修订译本-9787108066275","title":"The Art of Escaping Rule (Revised Version)","description":"Drawing on the history of Southeast Asia's mountainous regions, the author argues that states have consistently sought to concentrate mountain dwellers on the plains for rice cultivation, while mountain dwellers have resorted to various means to evade state control. Traditionally, mountain dwellers have been viewed as backward and barbaric, while the extension of state power to these regions has been seen as a catalyst for progress. However, Scott's research into the region's history reveals that seemingly backward mountain minorities may not be so backward. Their inhabitation of the mountains and their adoption of a different lifestyle and production style from those in the valleys stem from a desire to escape state control.\u003cbr\u003e The author points out that his opponent in discussion is the French scholar Braudel, because in Braudel's view, civilization and state are often confused, while the author emphasizes that there is the same civilization outside the scope of state rule. \u003cbr\u003eJames Scott is a leading figure in the study of peasantry in American anthropology. His book, The Moral Economy of the Peasant, received widespread attention upon its publication; his books, Weapons of the Weak and The Perspective of the State, have also had a profound impact on academic research and policymaking. Currently the Sterling Professor of Political Science and Anthropology at Yale University and a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, he directs the \"Agricultural Research\" program, a high-level, transnational postdoctoral fellowship program that has been running for nearly 20 years.\u003cbr\u003e 【recommend】\u003cbr\u003e This work is perhaps James Scott's most important to date. It is profoundly insightful, creative, and compassionate. Few scholars have been more perceptive about the agency of people without history, inhabiting radically different places, and employing radically different practices and forms. Indeed, it brings him very close to the anarchist ideal that people can not only escape the state but also avoid the state form itself. \u003cbr\u003e—Prasenjit Duara\u003cbr\u003e This is a brilliant study, rich in humanistic and cultural insight, a book that will change the way readers think about human history and about themselves. It is the most engaging and stimulating work of social history and political theory that I have ever read.\u003cbr\u003e —Robert Hefner","brand":"生活·读书·新知三联书店","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Other","offer_id":46242105000175,"sku":"9787108066275","price":17.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1S1xpA5hNUqV7DZNahpZMO8RRcWe3W0qa.jpg?v=1738969506"},{"product_id":"学术与政治-9787542664648","title":"Academics and Politics","description":"This book includes two of Max Weber's popular speeches: \"Science as a Vocation\" and \"Politics as a Vocation\". \u003cbr\u003eThese two lectures were delivered around the end of World War I. The world of the past had collapsed, and a new social and political order had yet to take shape. A collective atmosphere of confusion and left-leaning political romanticism permeated Germany's youth. Facing an audience hungry for meaning and prophecy, Weber deliberately distanced himself from the tumultuous current events, situating his subject within the context of intellectual and social history. He thus offered a fundamental diagnosis of the modern world, applying this diagnosis to the political situation facing Germany: In a disenchanted world, can scholarship and politics be vocations? Can the unity of knowing about the world and acting on it be achieved in either scholarship or politics? Weber's answers were cold and restrained, tinged with a poignant sentiment and profound implications. His principle of value neutrality and the confrontation between an ethic of responsibility and an ethic of the heart continue to inspire our academic reflection and political practice.","brand":"上海三联书店","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Hardcover","offer_id":46242098839791,"sku":"9787542664648","price":18.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1v2T5ckIL_ua09bKHMzvgtzPCZV51Uegk.jpg?v=1738969288"},{"product_id":"一切坚固的东西都烟消云散了-9787100095624","title":"All that is solid melts into air","description":"Set against the backdrop of the political and social revolutions of the 19th century, this captivating book, drawing on major works by Goethe, Marx, Dostoyevsky, and others, presents a picture of the modern world rife with contradictions and ambiguities. By reinterpreting Marx and deeply considering the influence of Robert Moses on modern urban life, the author charts the course of the 20th century and beyond. He concludes that adapting to constant change is possible, and that this holds the promise of building a truly modern society.","brand":"商务印书馆","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242099036399,"sku":"9787100095624","price":28.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1KFM-GEbwKjbP_ZQ5HUBo18x-lP0cAL81.jpg?v=1738969295"},{"product_id":"我想理解-9787305282911","title":"I want to understand","description":"【Editor's Recommendation】\u003cbr\u003e ★A collection of Arendt's television interviews, the first Chinese translation of selected letters to Jaspers, \"Eichmann in Jerusalem\" and \"The Origins of Totalitarianism\" are standard reading materials, including several interviews that Arendt herself considered extremely important.\u003cbr\u003e ----------------------------------------- \u003cbr\u003e★She has sparked half a century of ideological controversy. She is a great woman who faced malice and attacks head-on.\u003cbr\u003e -----------------------------------------\u003cbr\u003e ★Why do we still need to read Arendt today?\u003cbr\u003e -----------------------------------------\u003cbr\u003e ★Directly hit the pain points of contemporary society and arouse deep resonance among contemporary people.\u003cbr\u003e -----------------------------------------\u003cbr\u003e ★See through the banality of evil, political lies, and public opinion violence; talk freely about love and freedom, nation and assimilation, work and consumption.\u003cbr\u003e -----------------------------------------\u003cbr\u003e ★Four in-depth conversations and four intellectual storms fully present Arendt’s ideological landscape.\u003cbr\u003e On love, freedom, and thought; on evil; on Jews and the Holocaust; on the Eichmann controversy; on totalitarianism and national security; on immigration and assimilation; on politics and philosophy...\u003cbr\u003e \"I have never 'loved' any nation or group. I only love my friends.\"\u003cbr\u003e \"Evil has no depth or demonic nature. It grows on the surface like a fungus and can destroy the entire world.\"\u003cbr\u003e “This is the fundamental characteristic of totalitarianism: the complete domination of man by man.” \u003cbr\u003e-----------------------------------------\u003cbr\u003e ★Private correspondence spanning nearly forty years, a record of half a lifetime, telling the story of Arendt's family, love, and career.\u003cbr\u003e About parents and childhood; about husbands and companionship; about friendship and travel; about illness, car accidents, aging and death; about the violence of public opinion; about Jaspers, Heidegger, Benjamin, Weber, Nietzsche, Bloch, Kant, Augustine...\u003cbr\u003e \"My supporters sent me personal letters—letters they dared not make public. Anyone who dared to speak was immediately attacked by a well-organized mob. After all, everyone believed what everyone else believed.\"\u003cbr\u003e \"One of the great things about getting older is that people finally have the right to be comfortable with what they do. I take great pleasure in sharing my gray hair with young people.\"\u003cbr\u003e -----------------------------------------\u003cbr\u003e ★A mind map of Arendt, extracting the key words of Arendt's life: love, freedom and politics.\u003cbr\u003e ----------------------------------------- \u003cbr\u003e★The binding is carefully created by Zhou Weiwei, a well-known designer who has repeatedly won the honor of \"China's Most Beautiful Book\". The cover is made of a collage of Arendt's precious manuscripts and is made of hand-crumpled paper, giving people a retro experience and a gentle touch.\u003cbr\u003e =======================\u003cbr\u003e 【Content Introduction】\u003cbr\u003e Hannah Arendt, a political thinker at the forefront of public opinion, criticized totalitarianism, reflected on modern society, and mused on anti-Semitism. Her concept of the \"banality of evil\" sparked debate that lasted half a century. To this day, Arendt is often misunderstood rather than truly understood. \u003cbr\u003eThis book brings together several television interviews Arendt herself considered particularly significant, as well as excerpts from her letters to the Jaspers. These texts offer a truly captivating picture of Arendt's life and thought. We hear a woman's heartfelt conversations and powerful self-defenses about love, passion, and uncertainty; about illness, car accidents, and aging; about politics and freedom; and about the atrocities and horrors of 20th-century history. Here, Arendt emerges as a wise figure who could face hostility and criticism head-on, and speak openly about death. Her voice resonates today, transcending time and space, resonating with all of us.","brand":"南京大学出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242100871407,"sku":"9787305282911","price":21.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1cp2Q302uqKVgtPYZpnulcQWLH78RE9lv_fb530fa6-df44-4906-b48f-6f3ffadb2dc7.jpg?v=1739438361"},{"product_id":"马克斯-韦伯与德国政治-1890-1920-9787305258671","title":"Max Weber and German Politics: 1890–1920","description":"◆ In late 19th century Germany, the economy was booming but the politics was conservative ◆ In post-World War I Germany, the anxiety of national revival masked the fragility of the Weimar Constitution ◆ Discovering a Weber who was wavering between imperialism, nationalism and liberalism...\u003cbr\u003e 【Content Introduction】\u003cbr\u003e He fiercely criticized the conservative social policies of Bismarck and the Kaiser, but was even more disappointed by the political weakness of the bourgeoisie. During World War I, he steadily promoted the realization of a \"decent peace\" for the benefit of Germany, but was ruined by selfish political leaders. During the Weimar Constitution, he hoped that a charismatic authoritarian leader would restore the great power's glory, but he did not foresee the rise of Nazism...\u003cbr\u003e The myth they created in the 1920s of Weber as a natural leader who was radically neglected is a fundamentally inadequate portrait of a great man… My aim is to portray Weber’s political personality based on a careful analysis of the primary sources, not as a one-sided ideological interpretation but as an attempt to portray Weber in all his complexity, including his internal contradictions and ambiguities. \u003cbr\u003e—Wolfgang J. Mommsen Who knows how this spring will end? First politically, then financially. Everything has fallen into darkness, on the brink of an abyss. The most vexing thing is that this \"monarchy\" has this monarch! (In Berlin!) These gentlemen deserve to be spared. But what can be done? They have committed such shameful crimes that no one can help them. It's absurd.\u003cbr\u003e —Max Weber...\u003cbr\u003e 【Recommended by scholars and media】\u003cbr\u003e Although, due to the tricks of fate and circumstances, (Weber) did not enjoy a prominent position in politics, this did not diminish his qualities as an outstanding politician. His greatness was like a Raphael without hands, without achievements but with unlimited potential.\u003cbr\u003e ——The famous philosopher Karl Jaspers (Weber was) is one of the most influential figures ever to appear on the academic stage.\u003cbr\u003e —Joseph Schumpeter, the famous economist Weber was one of the last of the polymaths.\u003cbr\u003e —Sociologist Lewis A. Coser \u003cbr\u003eWolfgang Mommsen provides a detailed reconstruction of Max Weber's political views... Although Mommsen's unconventional ideas have caused great controversy, his thorough excavation of the academic historical source is undeniable.\u003cbr\u003e ——American Journal of Sociology\u003cbr\u003e The value of Mommsen's book lies not in the rediscovery of many important facts, but in the careful revision of scattered documents, the systematic analysis, and the outstanding and incisive criticism of Weber from both a democratic and anti-nationalist perspective.\u003cbr\u003e —Historian Klaus Epstein\u003cbr\u003e Among the vast amount of secondary literature on Weber, the most important one that seriously studies Weber's \"Political Man\" and is therefore a milestone is this classic work by Mommsen.\u003cbr\u003e ——Famous scholar Qian Yongxiang...\u003cbr\u003e 【Editor's Recommendation】 \u003cbr\u003e1. The author of this book, Wolfgang Mommsen, is a world-renowned German historian of the 20th century. He is renowned for his research on British and German history, and is a leading scholar of Weber's thought. Mommsen was born into a family of historians. His great-grandfather, Theodor Mommsen, won the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1902 for his History of Rome, and his father, Wilhelm Mommsen, was also a renowned historian.\u003cbr\u003e 2. The German edition of this book caused a huge stir in the academic community upon its publication. Mommsen's highly controversial interpretation of Weber initially attracted sharp criticism, but later gained widespread acclaim. Many scholars praised Mommsen for \"rediscovering many important facts.\" \u003cbr\u003e3. This book is a comprehensive biography of Weber and an essential reference for understanding his life and thought. Unlike most Weber biographies, which tend to deify him, this book aims to portray Weber's political personality based on a careful analysis of primary sources. Rather than offering a one-sided ideological interpretation, it strives to depict Weber in all his complexity, including his inherent contradictions and ambiguities. In this unique biography, readers will discover a new Weber, navigating the ambiguities between imperialism, nationalism, and liberalism.\u003cbr\u003e 4. This is a biography of Weber, but also a history of German politics, informed by well-documented historical data and powerful arguments. The book begins with economically ascendant but politically conservative Germany in the late 19th century, continuing to post-World War I Germany, where anxiety about national rejuvenation overshadowed the fragility of the Weimar constitution. Over the decades, numerous important German politicians, such as Bismarck, Wilhelm II, and Hugo Preuss, take turns to play their roles. \u003cbr\u003e5. The translator of this book, Yan Kewen, is an expert in translating Max Weber's works into Chinese, having engaged in this work for nearly twenty years. He has contributed to over half of the Chinese translations of Weber's works currently available. Yan Kewen's translator's preface to this book elaborates on the book's historical value and Weber's political mission.\u003cbr\u003e 6. Renowned scholar and Weber expert Qian Yongxiang was invited to write an introduction for the Chinese edition. This introduction details Weber's historical and political context and the relevance of his ideas for China's current situation. It is both insightful and thought-provoking.","brand":"南京大学出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Hardcover","offer_id":46242101395695,"sku":"9787305258671","price":28.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1EwAodLCvkl13fKcd2siyhgmuji9iZXlb.jpg?v=1738969381"},{"product_id":"汉娜-阿伦特与以赛亚-伯林-9787221184443","title":"Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin","description":"This book provides the first comprehensive account of the clash between two of the 20th century's most important thinkers and how their profound disagreements continue to offer important lessons for political theory and philosophy. \u003cbr\u003eHannah Arendt (1906–1975) and Isaiah Berlin (1909–1997) were two of the most iconic thinkers of the 20th century, fundamentally divided on core issues of politics, history, and philosophy. Despite their overlapping lives and experiences as Jewish immigrant intellectuals, Berlin passionately disliked Arendt, saying she represented \"everything I most detested,\" while Arendt responded to her hostility with indifference and skepticism. Written in a vivid style, full of drama, tragedy, and passion, Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin recounts for the first time the fraught relationship between these two remarkable figures and shows how their contrasting perspectives continue to offer important lessons for political thought today. Drawing on extensive new archival material, Kei Hiruta traces the clash between Arendt and Berlin, from their first meeting in wartime New York to their widening intellectual rift in the 1950s, the controversy over Arendt's 1963 publication of Eichmann in Jerusalem, their ultimately missed opportunity to engage with each other at their 1967 conference, and Berlin's continued hostility toward her after her death. Integrating political philosophy and intellectual history, Hiruta examines the key issues that both united and divided Arendt and Berlin, including the nature of totalitarianism, evil and the Holocaust, human agency and moral responsibility, Zionism, American democracy, British imperialism, and the Hungarian Revolution. Above all, however, Arendt and Berlin disagreed on a central question about the human condition: what does it mean to be free? \u003cbr\u003e【Editor's Recommendation】\u003cbr\u003e 1. Why did Berlin harbor a \"lifelong hatred\" for Arendt, both Jewish and expatriates? Who hated whom, and why? There are many excellent details; Kei Hiruda documents the conflict between Berlin and Arendt in great detail.\u003cbr\u003e 2. Kei Hiruta's book aims to understand the clash between these two thinkers—professionally, personally, and politically—and to illuminate some of the differences in their respective approaches to political theory. The tone is thoughtful and calm; the writing is admirably lucid; Hiruta undoubtedly provides a fair and detailed chronology of the Arendt\/Berlin encounter and the various manifestations of Berlin's hostility.\u003cbr\u003e 3. Kei Hiruda's book also examines the relationship between the countries chosen by Berlin and Arendt and their thinking, which is a very interesting perspective.\u003cbr\u003e 4. The book will be accompanied by a bookplate with the portrait of Hannah Arendt or Isaiah Berlin, one of the two will be given out randomly.\u003cbr\u003e 【Expert Recommendation】 \u003cbr\u003eKei Hiruta offers a balanced and insightful portrait of two groundbreaking thinkers, both Jewish and opponents of totalitarianism, who should have admired each other but were instead divided by an animosity that exposed the fault lines between 20th-century German and Anglo-American philosophy, and between progressive and liberal traditions.\u003cbr\u003e —Michael Ignatieff Canadian historian and author of \"Berlin: A Biography\" Kei Hiruda has achieved a remarkable feat in this monumental work, integrating intellectual history and political theory to reconstruct the encounter between Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin. While recounting the poignant interactions between these two protagonists, he also distills their overarching theoretical propositions on human nature, freedom, and totalitarianism. Its brilliant conception and prose make this a gifted work of interdisciplinary research. \u003cbr\u003e- Samuel Moen, Professor of History at Yale University This is the first book devoted entirely to the details of the encounter between Arendt and Berlin. Balanced and insightful, it clarifies the historical mystery of Berlin's strong antipathy towards Arendt; it successfully navigates the treacherous shoals of the Eichmann controversy and explores Berlin and Arendt's views on imperialism and their respective adopted homelands.\u003cbr\u003e —Sarah Benhabi, Eugene Meyer Professor of Political Science and Philosophy, Yale University. This important and beautifully written book centers on the personal and theoretical conflict between Arendt and Berlin, integrating historical context with issues in modern political theory. Its elegant style and language make it a must-read for anyone interested in Arendt, Berlin, or the intellectual context of the Cold War. \u003cbr\u003e—Christian J. Emden, Professor of the History of Political Thought, College of Humanities, Rice University. A masterpiece that illuminates the thorny relationship between two iconic figures of modern political thought. With the precision of a master surgeon and the eloquence of a fine novelist, Kei Hiruta dissects the conflicting responses of two Jewish exiles and champions of freedom to their catastrophic times. He also meticulously explores the mutual resentment (Berlin) and indifference (Arendt) felt by the two protagonists. This captivating work mobilizes the methods of intellectual history and political theory to brilliant effect.\u003cbr\u003e —Joan Cockman, Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Holyoke College","brand":"贵州人民出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Hardcover","offer_id":46242109325551,"sku":"9787221184443","price":28.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1zwsgZ4di2VPgrWsIOKjfj-uJbXJvfYKK.jpg?v=1738969700"},{"product_id":"意识形态的崇高客体-9787511733696","title":"The sublime object of ideology","description":"From the sinking of the Titanic to the films of Hitchcock, from Wagner's operas to Heinlein's science fiction, from Lacan to Foucault, from Hegel to Marx, from major political events to Jewish jokes, from dog-sophism to anti-Semitism, from the question of excretion to theological speculation... Žižek's unrestrained narrative is a delight to read. In this highly original and provocative work, Žižek outlines the principles of desire, grasps the nature of the unconscious, dissects the sublime object of ideology, and penetrates the secrets of \"postmodern\" society and the subject. The Sublime Object of Ideology (Second Edition) is Slavoj Žižek's seminal work, its seed and foundation, a gateway and index to his entire thought. All of his subsequent thought stems from this, expanding upon and annotating The Sublime Object of Ideology (Second Edition).","brand":"中央编译出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242109915375,"sku":"9787511733696","price":20.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1_J57Uk2gekVERjC8zBAIiaqzhalHKY6o.jpg?v=1738969723"},{"product_id":"弱者的武器-9787544717250","title":"Weapons of the weak","description":"Introduction:\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eBy exploring the everyday forms of resistance among Malaysian farmers—laziness, feigning incompetence, desertion, feigned obedience, theft, silencing, defamation, arson, and sabotage—the author reveals the sociological roots of the ongoing struggle between farmers and those who exploit their labor, food, taxes, rent, and profits. The author argues that farmers leverage tacit understandings and informal networks to engage in a defensive war of attrition using low-profile resistance techniques, confronting overwhelming inequality with resolute and resilient effort to avoid the collective risks of open rebellion.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Introduction:\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e An unforgettable work that could become a classic.\u003cbr\u003e —The Times Literary Supplement\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Anyone interested in understanding Southeast Asian peasant societies should not miss this book.\u003cbr\u003e ——Journal of Asian Studies\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e A remarkable book…Scott's brilliant work provides a \"full picture\" of peasant resistance to foreign aggression that ethnographic reports cannot and will not reveal…a brilliant theoretical and empirical account of everyday forms of resistance to hegemony.\u003cbr\u003e —Edward W. Said\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Preface\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThe limitations of any field of study are most evident in the shared definition of the research it undertakes. A significant amount of recent research on peasants—my own and others—has focused on questions of resistance and revolution. To be fair, beyond the usual standard ethnographic accounts of kinship, ritual, farming, and language, much attention has been focused on organized, large-scale protest movements, which, however fleeting, clearly posed a threat to the state. I can imagine a series of mutually reinforcing factors contributing to the prevalence of this shared understanding of the significance of such movements. On the left, the excessive focus on peasant uprisings was clearly fueled by the Vietnam War and the now-waning fascination with national liberation wars within left-wing academia. This fascination was fostered by historical records and archives that were strictly centered on national interests, never mentioning peasants unless their actions posed a threat to the state. On the other hand, peasants appear in statistics only as anonymous \"contributors\" to conscription, food production, taxation, and so on. Each study within this perspective emphasizes a different aspect. Some studies can only emphasize the role of outsiders—prophetesse, radical intellectuals, political parties—in mobilizing the often indolent and unorganized peasantry. Other studies focus only on those movements most familiar to Western social scientists—those with names, flags, organizational structures, and formal leaderships. Still others contribute only to the precise examination of movements that have the potential to drive large-scale, structural change at the national level. \u003cbr\u003eWhat this perspective overlooks, I believe, is the simple fact that, throughout most of history, most subordinate classes were rarely able to engage in overt, organized political action; that was too much of a luxury for them. In other words, such movements were, if not self-destructive, then too dangerous. Even when the choice existed, it was unclear whether the same goal could be achieved through different strategies. After all, most subordinate classes had little interest in changing the grand structure and laws of the state; they were more concerned with what Hobsbawm called \"minimizing the disadvantages of the system.\" Formal, organized political activity, even if clandestine and revolutionary, was typically the preserve of the middle class and the intelligentsia; searching for peasant politics in this realm would largely be fruitless. Not incidentally, this is also the first step toward the conclusion that the peasant class is politically ineffective unless it is organized and led by outsiders. \u003cbr\u003ePeasant rebellions, to the extent that they did matter when they did occur, were remarkably rare—let alone peasant revolutions. They were mostly crushed with relative ease, and even on the rare occasions when they did succeed, the results achieved were sadly rarely what the peasants actually wanted. Whatever revolution succeeded—and I don't mean to deny that they did—usually resulted in a larger and more coercive state apparatus that enriched itself by exploiting the peasants even more effectively than its predecessor. \u003cbr\u003eFor these reasons, it is more important for me to understand what might be called the \"everyday\" forms of peasant resistance—the mundane yet relentless struggles between peasants and those who seek to extract labor, food, taxes, rent, and benefits from them. Most of these forms of struggle avoid the risks of overt collective rebellion. Here, I can think of the everyday weapons employed by these relatively vulnerable groups: laziness, feigned ignorance, desertion, feigned obedience, theft, silencing, slander, arson, sabotage, and so on. These Brechtian—or Schweikian—forms of class struggle share common characteristics. They require little coordination or planning, utilize tacit understandings and informal networks, often manifest as individual self-help, and avoid direct, symbolic confrontation with authority. Understanding these ordinary forms of resistance is to understand most of the efforts peasants have made over the years to protect their interests against either conservative or progressive orders. I suspect that it is precisely this type of resistance that has long been the most meaningful and effective. Thus, the feudal historian Bloch observed that the great millennial movement was but a \"blip\" compared to the \"persistent, silent struggle waged by the rural communities\" to avoid claims on their productive surplus and to maintain their ownership of the means of production—farmland, forests, pastures, and so on. This perspective certainly applies to the study of slavery in the New World. Analysis of the relationship between slaves and their masters must not simply look for rare, heroic, and doomed acts like those of Nat Turner or John Brown, but must focus on the constant, petty conflicts over work, food, autonomy, and ritual—the everyday forms of resistance. In the Third World, peasants rarely risk direct confrontation with authorities over issues like taxation, farming practices, development policies, or onerous new laws; they are more likely to erode these policies through noncooperation, shirking, and deception. They prefer gradual appropriation of land to outright seizure; they choose desertion over open mutiny; and they prefer petty theft to looting public or private granaries. And when farmers stop using these strategies and resort to quixotic actions, it's usually a sign of large-scale desperation. \u003cbr\u003eThis low-profile technique of resistance is perfectly suited to the social structure of the peasantry—the peasant class, dispersed across the countryside and lacking formal organization, is best suited to large-scale, guerrilla-style, defensive warfare. Their individual actions, such as procrastination and flight, are reinforced by an age-old culture of popular resistance. Accumulated by the tens of thousands, they ultimately render the policies conceived by self-righteous officials in the capital completely unfeasible. Everyday forms of resistance require no name. However, like the millions of coral polyps that form a coral reef, the vast array of peasant resistance and non-cooperation creates its own unique political and economic reefs. To a large extent, peasants demonstrate their political participation in this way. Metaphorically, when the ship of state runs aground on these reefs, people often focus on the shipwreck itself, failing to recognize the massive accumulation of these insignificant actions that made the wreck possible. For this reason alone, it is crucial to understand the subversive nature of these silent, anonymous peasant actions. \u003cbr\u003eTowards this end, I spent two years (1978-1980) in a village in Malaysia. I call this village Sedaka, which is not its real name. It is a small, rice-growing village (70 households) in Kedah's main rice-producing region. Double tillage was introduced in 1972. Like many other \"Green Revolutions,\" it made the rich even richer while the poor remained poorer or even became even poorer. The introduction of large combine harvesters in 1976 was perhaps the final blow, eliminating two-thirds of wage-earning opportunities for small landowners and landless laborers. During these two years, I managed to gather a wealth of relevant data. I focused not only on the practice of resistance itself but also on the ideological struggle within the village—the struggle that shaped it. In this book, I attempt to discuss the major themes of resistance and class struggle, as well as the ideological domination that gave these themes their practical and theoretical significance. \u003cbr\u003eIn Sedaka, the struggle between rich and poor is not just a struggle over jobs, property rights, food, and money; it is also a struggle over the possession of symbols, a struggle over how the past and present are understood and categorized, a struggle to identify reasons and assess faults, and a combative effort to give partisan meaning to local history. The details of this struggle are not glamorous, often involving backbiting, gossip, personal attacks, nicknames, body language, and silent contempt, much of which is confined to the \"backstage\" of village life. In public life—that is, in situations of power—calculated deference is common and constant. A striking feature of this aspect of class conflict is the extent to which it requires a shared worldview. For example, without shared standards of what constitutes deviance, shame, and disrespect, gossip and personal attacks are meaningless. In a sense, the intensity of the debate is based on the fact that the shared values ​​people advocate are being violated. What people are arguing about isn't the values ​​themselves, but the facts to which these values ​​apply: who's rich, who's poor, how they become rich, why they're poor, who's stingy, who avoids work, and so on. Besides being seen as a constraining force mobilizing social opinion, these struggles can also be seen as efforts by the poor in this small community to resist their economic and ritual marginalization and uphold a minimum of civic cultural dignity. This perspective implicitly affirms the value of a \"meaning-centered\" analysis of class relations. In the final chapter of this book, I will explain and explore the broader issues of ideological domination and hegemony. \u003cbr\u003eDuring my 14 months in Sedaka, I experienced moments of elation, frustration, bewilderment, and tedium—all experiences that any anthropologist can relate to. Since I wasn't a formal anthropologist, all of these experiences were completely new to me. Without Bailey's practical field research lectures, I wouldn't have known how to proceed. Even with this wise advice, I was still unprepared for the fundamental fact that an anthropologist works from the moment they wake up to the moment they go to bed. For the first few months, my outdoor activities were mostly for no purpose but to be alone. I discovered the need for a cautious neutrality—that is, to remain silent—which was wise but also a huge psychological burden. As my own \"hidden texts\" (see Chapter 7) grew, I first realized the truth of Jean Duvergnard's observation: \"In most cases, the village makes concessions to the outsider researcher, and the researcher usually resorts to hiding.\" I also found that my neighbors always forgave my inevitable mistakes, tolerated my curiosity at every turn, and allowed me to work in their presence. They had a remarkable ability to both laugh at me and be friendly with me, a dignity and courage to draw boundaries, and a sociable nature, often engaging in long evening conversations with me on topics of interest even in the off-season. Their kindness showed that they had adapted to me better than I had to them. The time I spent with them has meant more to my life and work than words can express. \u003cbr\u003eDespite my efforts to prune the original manuscript, it remains quite long. This is primarily because the telling of many specific stories is crucial for revealing the structure and practice of class relations. Since every story has at least two sides, it's necessary to consider the \"Rashomon effect\" of social conflict. Another reason for striving to tell these stories is to elevate the study of class relations at a fundamental level. I believe these more macroscopic reflections require detailed, flesh-and-blood examples to reveal their essence. Therefore, an example is not only the most successful way to crystallize a generalization, but also offers the advantage of being richer and more complex than a generalized principle. \u003cbr\u003eWhere Malay translation proved difficult, or where the Malay expressions themselves were interesting, I included them in the text or in footnotes. Except for formal speeches to outsiders, I never used a tape recorder. My work relied on fragmentary notes taken during the conversation or written down immediately afterwards. Since only a few more memorable fragments of many sentences could be recalled, the Malay I recorded had a somewhat telegraphic quality. When I first arrived, I couldn't understand the dialects of rural Kedah; many villagers spoke to me in the simpler Malay they used in the market. \u003cbr\u003eI believe this book had another unique motivation. More than any other rural research, it is a product of the people I researched. When I began my research, my plan was to develop my analysis, write it up, and prepare a brief oral presentation of my findings. Then, I would return to the villagers to gather their reactions, comments, and criticisms. These reactions would be collected in the final chapter—a section called \"Villager Responses,\" or, if you prefer, \"book reviews\" from those who should be aware of the book's content. In fact, during my final two months in Sedaka, I spent much of my time gathering these comments from most of the villagers. The various comments—which often reflected the reviewers' class positions—were filled with insightful critiques, corrections, and suggestions addressing issues I had overlooked. All of this, while transforming my original analysis, also raised a question: Should I leave my earlier, blunt analysis to the readers and present the villagers' insights only at the end? This was my initial thought, but as I began writing, I realized it was impossible to write as if I didn't know what I now knew, so I gradually incorporated these insights into my own analysis. The result is an understanding of the extent to which the villagers of Sedaka are both the cause of the analysis and the raw material for the research, thus making those complex conversations more like monologues. \u003cbr\u003eFinally, I must emphasize that this is a very self-conscious study of local class relations. This means that peasant-state relations, where resistance abounds, are conspicuously absent, except insofar as they impact local class relations. It also means that ethnic conflicts, religious movements, or protests, which are crucial in any political crisis, are largely unaddressed. Nor does this book attempt to analyze the economic origins of the nuanced class relations examined here, which can easily be traced back to boardrooms in New York and Tokyo. It also means that formal party politics at the provincial or national level is ignored. From one perspective, all of these omissions are unfortunate. But from another, the effort is to demonstrate the importance, richness, and complexity of local class relations, and the potential discoveries that can be made from an analytical perspective that is not centered on the state, formal organizations, public protest, or ethnicity.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThe following overly lengthy acknowledgments are meant to acknowledge the vast amount I had to learn in order to conduct my research, as well as the patience and generosity of those who mentored me. To the Sedaka families—whose names are withheld for obvious reasons—I owe a great debt, a debt heavy because more than one person felt their kindness was abused by what I have written. That, of course, is the human dilemma for a professional outsider, and I can only hope that they will find that I have made an honest effort, within my limited knowledge, to do justice to what I have observed and heard. \u003cbr\u003eMy host institution was the School of Comparative Social Sciences at Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) in Penang. I was extremely fortunate to be a guest and scholar. I would like to express my special thanks to Mansor Marican, Chandra Muzaffar, Mohd Shadli Abdullah, Cheah Boon Kheng, Khoo Kay Jin, Colin Abraham, Vice-President and Dean Kamal Salih, and Assistant Dean Amir Hussin Baharuddin of the School for their advice and kindness. Nafisah bte. Mohamed, as a special tutor in Kedah dialects, helped me prepare for my fieldwork. The Policy Research Centre at USM has conducted excellent research on the Muda Project in Kedah and the agricultural policies associated with it. Lim Teck Ghee and David Gibbons of the Centre not only helped me develop my research plan but also became invaluable friends and critics, whose contributions can be found throughout the book—even when I decided to go my own way. I also want to thank Sukur Kasim, Harun Din, Ikmal Said, George Elliston, and, of course, the center's director, KJ Ratnam. The officials at the Mudar Regional Agricultural Development Authority headquarters in Teluk Chengai, near Alor Setar, were always so generous with their time, their statistics, and, most importantly, their vast experience. Finding such knowledgeable, rigorous, and forthright officials in any development project is a rare feat. Affifuddin Haji Omar and S. Jegatheesan, as well as Datuk Tamin Yeop, then General Manager of the Mudar Regional Agricultural Development Authority, were also very helpful. \u003cbr\u003eThe members of the \"invisible college\" whose research and writings on rural Malaysian society intersect with mine have contributed greatly to my understanding and analysis. Given their vast number, I have undoubtedly omitted some. Some would prefer not to be mentioned, but I must mention a few: Syed Husin Ali, Wan Zawawi Ibrahim, Shaharil Talib, Jomo Sundaram, Wan Hashim, Rosemary Barnard, Aihwa Ong, Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, Diana Wong, Donald Nonini, William Roff, Judith and Shuichi Nagata, Lim Mah Hui, Marie*9-André Couillard, Rodelfe de Koninck, Lorraine Corner, and Akira Takahashi. Mansor Haji Othman and S. Ahmad Hussein, two faculty members from the University of Science Malaysia who came to Yale to do their senior theses, provided me with important advice and criticism. Finally, I am particularly grateful to Kenzo Horii of the Institute of Development Economics in Tokyo, who generously conducted a study of land ownership in Sedaka in 1968 and made the results available so that I could determine what the changes over the past decade meant. \u003cbr\u003eThe final manuscript has been significantly improved by the meticulous criticism and corrections of my colleagues. I reluctantly renounced arguments they deemed absurd or irrelevant—or both—while adding historical and analytical material they deemed necessary. Even when I rejected their views, I always tried to mitigate direct attacks by strengthening or modifying my own position. However, that's all. If they remain completely committed to their views, I will continue to revise and work to correct the confusion they unintentionally created. I can't wait to repay their kindness. Thanks to Ben Anderson, Michael Adas, Clive Kessler, Sam Popkin (yes, that guy), Mansor Haji Othman, Lim Teck Ghee, David Gibbons, Georg Elwert, Edward Friedman, Frances Fox Piven, Jan Gross, Jonathan Rieder, Diana Wong, Ben Kerkvliet, Bill Kelly, Vivienne Shue, Gerald Jaynes, and Bob Harms. There are also some people who remain nameless, who agreed or even requested to read the manuscript, perhaps having read some of the chapters and reconsidered them. They know who they are. Sorry! \u003cbr\u003eFunding from many institutions has enabled me and this research to continue since 1978. I am particularly grateful to the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, the National Science Foundation (Grant No. SOC 7802756), and Yale University for their support of my research in Malaysia. More recently, an Exxon Fellowship from the MIT Program in Science, Technology, and Society enabled the final draft and most of the revisions to this book. Carl Kaysen tolerated my intense focus on the manuscript and, along with Martin Kreiger, Kenneth Kenniston, Charles Weiner, Peter Buck, Loren Graham, Carla Kirmani, Leo Marx, and Emma Rothschild, helped me maintain intellectual growth. A seminar on \"History and Peasant Consciousness in Southeast Asia,\" sponsored by the National Museum of Ethnology in Osaka, Japan, and arranged by Shigeharu Tanabe and Andrew Turton, helped to clarify my ideas. Another, more contentious working conference, held at the Institute for Social Research in The Hague, organized with the help of the Social Science Research Council, played an important role in the analysis of resistance in Chapter 7. Although I am not sure whether the participants in either conference fully agreed with the arguments I put forward, they should at least be aware of the invaluable contributions of their contributions and criticisms to this book. \u003cbr\u003eThanks are also due to the following publications for the publication of early portions of this work: International Political Science Review (October 1973); History and Peasant Consciousness in Southeast Asia (Andrew Turton and Shigeharo Tanabe, eds., Yamazaki Ethnology Studies, No. 13; Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1984); Political Anthropology (1982); Malaysian Studies 1:1 (June 1983, in Malay).\u003cbr\u003e Many typists, typesetters, and editors have devoted their time and energy to the production of this book, and I would like to thank Beverly Apothaker, Kay Mansfield, and Ruth Muessig for their excellent work.\u003cbr\u003e The book is so intertwined with my family life that it dispenses with any of the usual clichés that are usually offered here. I can say here that, try as I might, I was never able to convince Louise or the children even remotely that they were contributing to my writing of it.\u003cbr\u003e Postscript: \"Weapons of the Weak\": A Grassroots Perspective on Peasant Politics\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eJames Scott, a professor of political science and anthropology at Yale University, describes Southeast Asian peasants as smallholders occupying a low social status. Despite being the majority of the population in agricultural societies, they remain voiceless and nameless in grand historical narratives, a group rarely recorded in written form. Even when they occasionally appear in historical records, it's not as participants, but rather as contributors to conscription, taxation, labor, land output, and grain harvests, thus appearing only as statistically unnamed figures. However, the peasants' historical invisibility doesn't mean they're unnoticed. Rulers of every dynasty certainly paid attention to them, but the reason for this attention is that, for a long time, peasants were the objects of exploitation, providing essential resources—agricultural products, taxes, fees, and cheap labor—that are indispensable to any society. Furthermore, the peasants' living conditions and the resulting collective actions often affected the stability or instability of society as a whole, even leading to the change of dynasties. This is the principle familiar to rulers of every society: \"Water can carry a boat, but it can also overturn it.\" \u003cbr\u003eThe concern for farmers and the call for solutions to agricultural and rural problems stem, to a certain extent, from a sense of crisis: a deteriorating living condition for farmers would affect the stability of society as a whole, or rather, from a top-down response to a warning of danger. People cite historical examples of large-scale peasant uprisings or refugee incidents to urge policymakers and the public to have a strong sense of crisis. Clearly, this concern for farmers, born out of a \"crisis\" response, has not yet departed from the perspective of the ruling elite, or the vested interests of the urban elite. In this perspective, farmers exist as objects of governance, precautions, and pity. \u003cbr\u003eViewing the subject from a peasant's perspective and considering it from a peasant's perspective, the classic research on peasant society cannot be ignored. Following his book The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Survival in Southeast Asia, James Scott's two books, Weapons of the Weak and The Arts of Domination and Resistance: The Hidden Text, offer insights into peasant resistance and peasant politics. Introducing his insightful research is crucial for addressing issues concerning rural society and peasants, and indeed, the broader social structure. \u003cbr\u003eWeapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance Scott first reflects on and criticizes the fact that many studies of peasant revolutions are interested only in movements that bring about large-scale structural change at the national level. Such studies primarily focus on organized, formal, and public protest movements, because they clearly pose a threat to the state, even if only briefly. However, genuine peasant rebellions are quite rare, often easily defeated, and even when they do succeed, the outcomes they achieve are rarely what the peasants truly desire. Scott distinguishes between so-called \"real\" resistance and symbolic, occasional, or even incidental acts of resistance, and argues against dismissing informal resistance as insignificant and fruitless. Understandably, historically, formal, organized political movements, even those that are clandestine and revolutionary, have typically been the domain of the middle class and the intelligentsia; searching for peasant politics in this realm is largely futile. Peasants are therefore considered a politically ineffective class unless organized and led by outsiders. \u003cbr\u003eDrawing on his own fieldwork in rural Malaysia, Scott argues that this perspective misses the simple fact that open, organized political action is too much of a luxury for most subordinate classes, and too dangerous, if not self-destructive. He argues that it is more important to understand the \"everyday forms\" of peasant resistance—the mundane yet ongoing struggles between peasants and those who demand excessive amounts of labor, food, taxes, rent, and benefits from them. These everyday forms of resistance often include laziness, feigning ignorance, desertion, feigned obedience, theft, silencing, slander, arson, and work stoppages. These forms of class struggle, known as \"weapons of the weak,\" share common characteristics: they require little prior coordination or planning, draw on tacit understandings and informal networks, often manifest as individual self-help, and avoid direct, symbolic confrontation with authority. \u003cbr\u003eUnderstanding these mundane forms of resistance helps us better understand the long-standing efforts of peasants to protect their interests and challenge the ruling order. In the Third World, peasants rarely risk directly confronting authority over issues such as taxation, crop distribution, development policies, or burdensome new laws; they are more likely to undermine these governance strategies through noncooperation, shirking, and deception. \u003cbr\u003eThese techniques of resistance have long been the most meaningful and effective. This is because they are suited to the social structure and characteristics of the peasantry: a class scattered across the vast countryside, lacking formal organization and discipline, equipped for widespread guerrilla-style defensive struggle. This everyday form of resistance is a social movement without formal organization, formal leaders, proof, deadlines, or names or banners. However, these humble acts of resistance by the peasantry should not be underestimated. The accumulation of numerous, insignificant actions, like the accumulation of millions of coral polyps over time to form a coral reef, can ultimately cause the state's ship to run aground or capsize. For this reason alone, understanding the subversive nature of these silent, anonymous peasant actions is crucial. Scott argues that regardless of how the state responds, we cannot ignore the fact that peasant actions alter or narrow the state's policy options. It is precisely in this non-rebellious manner, outside the political pressure of law, that the peasantry classically demonstrates their sense of political participation. Therefore, any history or theory of peasant politics that seeks to demonstrate the legitimacy of the peasantry as historical actors must grasp the \"weapons of the weak\" employed by the peasantry. \u003cbr\u003eFollowing the peasants' everyday form of resistance, \"the weapons of the weak,\" Scott introduced the analytical concept of \"hidden transcripts,\" encompassing peasants' behavioral choices and ideology. Through this concept, Scott further expounded on the ideological characteristics of the subaltern, explaining and understanding their elusive political behavior. This critique of power, expressed behind the rulers' backs, is a crucial part of the everyday folk wisdom of millions of people. Comparing it with \"public transcripts\" offers a fundamental new approach to understanding domination and resistance. \u003cbr\u003eAs the hidden text of infrapolitical ideology, it is not only a discourse, gesture, and symbolic expression; it is also the basis of practice. Scott's fieldwork in a small Southeast Asian village demonstrates the interdependence and mutual maintenance between peasant resistance practices and resistance discourses. Moreover, the close connection between domination and possession means that it is impossible to separate the ideas and symbols of subordination from the process of material exploitation. Similarly, it is impossible to separate the hidden symbolic resistance to the idea of ​​domination from the actual struggle to oppose or alleviate exploitation. Peasant resistance, like the domination of the rulers, is fought on two fronts. The hidden text is not only the behind-the-scenes anger and complaints; it is also the actual tactics implemented to reduce possession (stealing, playing dumb, slacking off, running away, arson, etc.). Crucially, the hidden text not only illuminates or explains behavior; it also helps to construct it. \u003cbr\u003eThe unique logic of peasant resistance and grassroots politics—\"weapons of the weak\" and \"hidden texts\"—extends the camouflaged logic of grassroots politics to its organizational and substantive aspects. Because overt political activity is prohibitively costly and virtually eliminated, resistance relies primarily on informal networks of kin, neighbors, friends, and communities rather than formal organizations. Informal gatherings of markets, neighbors, families, and communities provide both structure and cover for resistance. Because resistance occurs at the level of small groups and individuals, even on a larger scale, it employs the anonymity of folk culture or various practical disguises, making it well-suited to surveilling surveillance and repression. In this informal resistance, there are no leaders to arrest, no lists of members to investigate, no manifestos to indict, and no public activities to attract attention. It can be said that it is an elementalized form of political life. These elementalized forms also help explain why grassroots politics often go unnoticed. The logic of grassroots politics is to leave virtually no trace wherever it passes. By concealing traces, it not only minimizes the risk to participants but also eliminates much of the evidence that might lead social scientists and historians to believe that real politics is taking place. \u003cbr\u003eThe very nature of grassroots politics, combined with the self-interested silence of its opponents, creates a \"conspiratorial silence\" that all but erases these everyday forms of resistance from historical records. History and social science, written by intellectuals and largely produced for literate officials, are unable to reveal these silent, anonymous forms of class struggle on behalf of the peasantry—what Scott likens to infrared grassroots politics. Unlike the openness of democratic politics and the clear-cut, vocal protests, these discreet forms of resistance employed by subordinate groups lie outside the visible spectrum of political activity. \u003cbr\u003eIn this regard, writing about the unwritten history of resistance and assigning it political status, as well as understanding and analyzing the peasants' \"weapons of the weak,\" becomes a highly meaningful endeavor. Scott connects local insights from village studies with larger social experiences of class and the typical context of class struggle. By deeply analyzing everyday forms of symbolic resistance and everyday actions of economic resistance, he achieves an understanding of class consciousness and ideological hegemony. Particularly noteworthy is Scott's exploration of the subtle relationship between everyday forms of resistance and ruling ideology. While he does not deny Marx's classic assertion that \"the ideology of the ruling class is the ideology of domination,\" he emphasizes the extent to which the ruling class can impose its own vision of a just social order not only on the behavior but also on the consciousness of the dominated class. His subaltern perspective enables him to rethink the concept of hegemony and related classical concepts such as \"false consciousness\" and \"mystification.\" While Gramsci's concept of hegemony articulates the ruling class's demand for control not only of the material but also of the symbolic modes of production, it fails to accurately explain real class relations and class conflict in most contexts. The reason is that the concept of hegemony overlooks the extent to which most subordinate classes are able to discern and demystify dominant ideology based on their daily material experiences. Hegemonic theory also often confuses the inevitable with the legitimate, a mistake subordinate classes rarely make. Within the context of powerful economic appropriation, political domination, and ideological domination, peasants wield their own \"weapons of the weak\" and \"hidden texts\" to confront overwhelming inequality with resolute and tenacious effort. What we see in all this is a spirit and practice of avoiding the worst and hoping for the best, precisely constituting the history and enduring tension between domination and resistance. \u003cbr\u003eFrom \"The Moral Economy of the Peasant\" to \"The Weapons of the Weak\" and \"The Art of Domination and Resistance,\" it's easy to see that Scott's exploration of the behavioral choices and spiritual worlds of Southeast Asian peasants continues to advance at the practical level. If we focus solely on formal acts of resistance, or if we explain Southeast Asian peasants' behavior solely through the lens of a \"subsistence ethic,\" we can't understand why they haven't openly rebelled in the face of dire straits. And if they haven't rebelled in such a desperate situation, we wonder what else could have motivated them to rise up in rebellion. The logic of subsistence ethic alone cannot explain peasants' political actions; it must also consider the repressive system, the intensity of violence, and ideological governance. Faced with powerful and tight rule, the disparity in power between the opposing sides prevents a truly antagonistic opposition, a confrontational stalemate. Consequently, the logic of resistance by the weaker party becomes distorted and aberrant. Such resistance could potentially lead to what Hobbes described as a \"war of all against all,\" but it would be unlikely to improve their living conditions or make social institutions more rational. In addition, the disguise of resistance, that is, replacing actual resistance with superficial obedience, may actually strengthen the ruling power. The \"weapons of the weak\" may also become tools of the strong in the above-mentioned distorted logic of resistance. \u003cbr\u003eIntroducing Scott's research on peasant resistance and grassroots politics reveals not only the long-overlooked existence of informal resistance and grassroots ideology, but also the complex and subtle interplay between domination and resistance. This is impossible without a genuine interest in and understanding of peasant society and peasant rights, and without a grassroots perspective that combines top-down and bottom-up approaches.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThe translation of this book took a year and a half to complete. Zheng Guanghuai translated the preface and the first half of Chapters 1 through 5, while Zhang Min translated the second half of Chapter 5, Chapters 6 through 8, and the appendix. He Jiangsui proofread and retranslated Chapters 4 and 5. Guo Yuhua and Xun Jianli proofread Chapters 6 through 8 and Chapters 1 through 5, respectively, and then reviewed the entire book. The index was translated by Xun Jianli. This book is required reading in the \"Rural Sociology\" course at the Department of Sociology at Tsinghua University. The two main translators, motivated by their research interests, read it repeatedly. However, as this was their first time translating an academic work, their experience and translation skills were still limited. The entire translation and proofreading process was a difficult learning process. While I wouldn't say it was painstaking, I did put in a lot of effort. Despite this, errors and omissions are inevitable. Furthermore, Professor Scott's work is vast, brilliant, and profound, seamlessly integrating meticulous anthropological field evidence with grand theories of domination and resistance. Its exposition is meticulous and comprehensive, so our reading and understanding may naturally fall short. We hope readers will point out any shortcomings. \u003cbr\u003eDuring the translation process, Li Liping, a graduate student in the Department of Political Science at Nankai University, and Shi Yuntong, a doctoral student in the Department of Sociology at Tsinghua University, assisted with translation and proofreading. Special mention must be made of the editor-in-chief of this series, Mr. Liu Dong, who provided tireless assistance and guidance on all aspects of translation and proofreading, from selecting books and contacting authors to various details of translation and proofreading. We express our deep gratitude here.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Guo Yuhua\u003cbr\u003e Beijing, May 2006\u003cbr\u003e","brand":"译林出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242113749231,"sku":"9787544717250","price":24.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1Ha5GADdAJplPc9samN9LU2t1F5n2MT2n.jpg?v=1738969836"},{"product_id":"想象的共同体-9787208138490","title":"imagined communities","description":"The author of this book integrates comparative history, historical sociology, textual analysis, and anthropology to propose a new theoretical paradigm, embodying the Copernican Revolution, for explaining the question of nation and nationalism. This book considers nation, ethnic identity, and nationalism as \"special cultural artifacts\" as its starting point, with this particular artifact being the \"imagined community.\" The author then demonstrates the historical process by which nationalism first emerged in the Americas and then gradually spread to Europe, Asia, and Africa.","brand":"上海人民出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242113978607,"sku":"9787208138490","price":14.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/19or7gwWfcqBZc66C1Dowd75iu_NPB9vn.jpg?v=1738969844"},{"product_id":"论革命-9787544776813","title":"On Revolution","description":"On Revolution rereads historical events often taken for granted, deeply analyzing and contrasting the hidden logic behind the American War of Independence and the French Revolution. Arendt imbues concepts such as violence, revolution, war, and freedom with new meaning, and her analysis of the nature of politics demonstrates refreshing originality and insight. No other political philosopher in history has devoted as much attention to the phenomenology of political life as she has. \u003cbr\u003e\"We shall pass away without a trace of smoke, because, in the long river of human history, we have missed the moment of founding a nation on liberty.\" This was Robespierre's final prophecy. Meanwhile, across the Atlantic, the American Revolution had already realized the ideal of freedom. \"On Revolution (New Edition)\" draws upon a phenomenological approach to political life and the different theories guiding the two revolutions, deeply analyzing the differences between the two revolutions and expressing the author's republican ideal of \"founding a nation on liberty.\" The content revolves around the differences between the French and American Revolutions. Arendt constantly compares the two, noting the French Revolution's shift in purpose from \"founding a nation on liberty\" to an indictment of social ills. Meanwhile, the American founders, from the outset, were concerned with the construction of political forms that would ensure the inclusion of diverse perspectives and positions, and the representation of the voices and interests of a wider range of people or groups. Although the American Revolution profoundly influenced the French Revolution, the outcomes were starkly different.","brand":"译林出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242116206831,"sku":"9787544776813","price":17.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1oGpAfTqo03kyBnRw0rvRmsBdjqS1Unvv.jpg?v=1738969932"},{"product_id":"艾希曼在耶路撒冷-9787544764940","title":"Eichmann in Jerusalem","description":"●Hannah Arendt's highly controversial work comprehensively summarizes the Nazis' Jewish policy during World War II and puts forward the famous concept of \"banality of evil\", which triggered a fifty-year debate in Western intellectual circles. ●Detailed record of the entire trial process of Nazi war criminals, recreating the historical scene and exploring the legitimacy of post-war trials. ●The complete unabridged simplified Chinese translation is published for the first time. ●Specially includes Arendt's preface to the German edition and an introduction by the German historian Hans Mommsen. \u003cbr\u003eIn 1961, the Jerusalem District Court launched a protracted trial of Adolf Eichmann, a Nazi war criminal and key implementer of the Final Solution. Hannah Arendt wrote five reports on the trial for The New Yorker, later compiled into a book. Eichmann in Jerusalem meticulously chronicles the proceedings of this trial, which garnered global attention. Combining analysis with extensive historical documentation, it posits the concept of \"the banality of evil.\" Evil may manifest not only as a violent demon but also as an ordinary, dedicated, and loyal civil servant. Eichmann's crimes, committed out of blind obedience without any thought, cannot be excused as \"following orders\" or \"acts of state.\"","brand":"译林出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242116305135,"sku":"9787544764940","price":17.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1uSF1BhgI20N-RGWDVqqbqSfADg0C2wiD.jpg?v=1738969936"},{"product_id":"动情的理性-9787305231056","title":"Emotional rationality","description":"◆Bringing moral concerns into political life ◆Re-examining the basic issues of liberal political philosophy···\u003cbr\u003e 【Content Introduction】 \u003cbr\u003e\"Emotional Reason\" explores some thorny issues in the field of political philosophy, including liberal moral identification, public reasoning, and universalism. It also critically examines several political thoughts that are widely circulated and influential in the Chinese world, such as Hayek's theory of spontaneous order, Strauss's criticism of pluralism and his view of the good life, and Berlin's view of history.\u003cbr\u003e In exploring these topics, the authors emphasize the crucial role of moral principles and values ​​in political life. Political philosophy is a rational endeavor. Only through reasoning and its inherent universalism can the interests of all stakeholders be considered equally. However, this rationality is inevitably fueled by emotion. The countless discrimination, oppression, and suffering in the world fill us with unbearable and unacceptable feelings, which in turn give rise to concern and care, inspiring practical intervention. \u003cbr\u003eStarting from the academic orientation and practical implications of egalitarian liberalism, and taking the current state of thought in the Chinese-speaking world as its primary context and background, the author attempts to re-examine the values ​​that liberalism identifies and pursues. The author argues that liberalism embodies a humanistic moral consciousness, and as such, it imposes clear moral requirements on political values ​​and institutions.\u003cbr\u003e ···\u003cbr\u003e The Emotional Reason is a rare masterpiece of meticulous thought, lucid writing, and profound insight in recent years. Grounded in contemporary Western political philosophy without being overshadowed by it, its content is rich in depth and originality. At the same time, it challenges readers to truly grasp its subtle arguments.\u003cbr\u003e —Lin Yusheng (Professor Emeritus, Department of History, University of Wisconsin-Madison)\u003cbr\u003e Though invisible, ideas are the steel that supports a society. \"Emotional Reason\" is a masterpiece forging this \"steel\" of society. Professor Qian Yongxiang excels at identifying and reinforcing the ethical support walls of the political system amidst a myriad of issues, expressing his deepest concerns for reality in the most abstract of terms. \u003cbr\u003e——Liu Yu (Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Tsinghua University)\u003cbr\u003e Mr. Qian Yongxiang's book is the best Chinese work on political philosophy that I have read in recent years. He provides the most rational and moving defense of liberalism.\u003cbr\u003e — Zhou Baosong (Associate Professor, Department of Politics and Administration, The Chinese University of Hong Kong)","brand":"南京大学出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Hardcover","offer_id":46242124103919,"sku":"9787305231056","price":19.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1Pg0MoOaWANdPrEJHLMpMy4GudPnyBZBK.jpg?v=1738970266"},{"product_id":"国家的视角-9787520145930","title":"National perspective","description":"In this rich and original book, James C. Scott analyzes examples of the failure of large-scale, state-led planning projects across various sectors. Scott argues that centrally controlled social planning projects struggle to succeed when state power insists on simple planning schemes that are particularly intrusive on complex and poorly understood relationships. Furthermore, successful design of social organizations must rely on a recognition that local and practical knowledge is as important as conventional and technical knowledge. The author presents compelling examples, questions \"development theory,\" and argues against the neglect of national values, aspirations, and goals in planning projects led by authoritarian power. \"Social clarity provides the feasibility of large-scale social engineering, extreme modernist ideologies provide the aspirations, the authoritarian state has the power and capacity to decide and act on these aspirations, and a weak civil society provides the hierarchical foundation for their realization.\" In the author's view, this combination of four factors often makes tragedy inevitable.","brand":"社会科学文献出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Hardcover","offer_id":46242124464367,"sku":"9787520145930","price":28.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1oj4MZLmShrUgSxUiKFxMGX_tPiH6j1NZ.jpg?v=1738970275"},{"product_id":"自由论-9787544716741","title":"Liberty","description":"Introduction:\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThis book is a revised and expanded edition of Isaiah Berlin's most important work, Four Essays on Liberty. It is hailed as the third landmark work in the history of British political thought, after Milton's Essays on the Freedom of the Press and Stuart Mill's Essays on Liberty. The ideas expressed in this book have established Berlin as one of the most important thinkers in the 20th century's revival of classical liberal values. Henry Hardy, Berlin's editor, explains the origins of this book, revises the text, verifies the sources of quotations, and includes Berlin's other writings on liberty, thus fully embodying Berlin's conception of liberty. Three appendices, drawn from Berlin's unpublished works, help us understand the core of his convictions. Ian Harris's literature review showcases the latest developments in Anglo-American practical thought centered on Berlin.\u003cbr\u003e Introduction:\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Berlin's work has played a uniquely important role in the flourishing of contemporary political philosophy. It has stimulated a sustained, vigorous, and often illuminating debate. Its wide-ranging scope, its profound historical sense, and its distinctly modern sensibility have made political thought suddenly exciting and engaging in the midst of contemporary scholarship. \u003cbr\u003e—Ronald Dworkin\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Central to liberalism was Berlin's lifelong conviction that equal citizens each have different and therefore incommensurable and irreconcilable conceptions of the good.\u003cbr\u003e —John Rawls\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This man tells us profound truths, truths that we often find difficult to hear due to partisanship or a narrow understanding of reason. He teaches us about the tragedy and complexity of morality, about the unhappiness that can result from conflicting hopes. But he also offers us another hope: if we can hold this complexity, this paradox, and reconcile the incommensurable moral goods in a compassionate understanding, we can all get along in this world.\u003cbr\u003e —Charles Taylor","brand":"译林出版社","offers":[{"title":"Simplified Chinese \/ Paperback","offer_id":46242144977135,"sku":"9787544716741","price":20.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/1JOmCVojg6NDkrZ3jy9EgSjHcIEzpCGF.jpg?v=1738971175"},{"product_id":"置身事内-9787208171336","title":"Stay involved","description":"\"In a successful economy, economic policies must be pragmatic, not ideological. They must be concrete, not abstract.\"\u003cbr\u003e Fudan University's Economics \"Graduation Course\" Faces Real Problems and Delves into Real Logic\u003cbr\u003e ☆ Connecting abstract economic theories with China's development reality: How can we achieve feasible mobilization and resource allocation to promote economic growth when market mechanisms are imperfect?\u003cbr\u003e While ensuring growth, how can we obtain more resources and time to build and improve the market economy? \u003cbr\u003e☆ Combining cutting-edge research in academia with frontline research experience, a concise discussion + extended reading guidance meets flexible cognitive needs, vividly explains cases in the photovoltaic, panel and other industries, and clearly reviews the construction experiences of Kuanzhai Alley and China Fortune Land Development. ☆ The dual dimensions of micro-mechanisms + macro-phenomena connect the fragments of knowledge and phenomena in China's economic life, understand the decision-making and action logic of local government economic governance, and interpret the linkage of various factors behind phenomena such as urbanization, housing prices, the gap between the rich and the poor, debt, and domestic and foreign trade ecology. ☆ See the doorway from lively political and economic news, and perceive opportunities from boring government documents.\u003cbr\u003e “It is much more important to understand what the government thinks should be done than to understand what ‘I’ think should be done.”\u003cbr\u003e -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- \u003cbr\u003eThis book is the culmination of Lan Xiaohuan's years of teaching, research, and study. It organically integrates economic principles with the practical application of China's economic development. Focusing on local government investment and financing, it offers an accessible and insightful account of China's economic development. Its writing is concise and objective, drawing extensively on the latest research findings from scholars across various fields. The book is divided into two parts. The first explains micro-mechanisms, including the basic affairs of local governments, revenue and expenditure, land financing and development, investment, and debt. The second part explains the connection between these micro-behaviors and macro-phenomena, including urbanization and industrialization, housing prices, regional disparities, debt risks, imbalances in the domestic economic structure, and international trade conflicts. The final chapter summarizes and recapitulates the book's content.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThrough an exploration of China's political and economic system, the author concisely depicts the fundamental approach of local governments to economic governance. He argues that the Chinese government, through its deep involvement in the processes of industrialization and urbanization, has gradually promoted the establishment and improvement of market mechanisms while developing the economy, achieving an economic miracle in a manner distinct from the experience of so-called developed countries. Based on a review and analysis of the reform process and social contradictions, the author also interprets the current market-oriented reforms and government transformation, helping readers to better understand the realities of China's development.","brand":"上海人民出版社","offers":[{"title":"简体中文\/Simplified Chinese \/ 平装\/Paperback","offer_id":46496990429423,"sku":"9787208171336","price":21.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/s33956867.jpg?v=1748567415"},{"product_id":"国家为什么会失败-9787535780348","title":"Why countries fail","description":"Why Nations Fail answers questions that have puzzled experts for centuries: Why are some nations rich and others poor? Why are nations divided by wealth, health, and food availability? Is it culture, weather, geography, or a lack of good policies?\u003cbr\u003e Simply put, nothing. No single factor is certain or predetermined. Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson convincingly demonstrate that human-made political and economic institutions are crucial to economic success (or lack thereof). Drawing on 15 years of original research, the authors marshal extensive historical evidence from the Roman Empire, Mayan city-states, medieval Venice, the Soviet Union, Latin America, England, Europe, the United States, and Africa to develop a new theory of political economy that is highly relevant to today's major issues, including: \u003cbr\u003eCan China continue to grow at such a rapid pace? Can it surpass the West? Are America's best days over? Are we moving from a virtuous cycle of limiting the power of elites to a vicious cycle of enriching and expanding the power of a few? What is the most effective way to help billions of poor people prosper? More charitable aid from the wealthy West? Or learning from the lessons of Acemoglu and Robinson's innovative ideas about the interplay between inclusive political and economic institutions?","brand":"湖南科学技术出版社","offers":[{"title":"简体中文\/Simplified Chinese \/ 平装\/Paperback","offer_id":46497009238255,"sku":"9787535780348","price":26.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/s28070939.jpg?v=1748569444"},{"product_id":"沒有顏色的思想殷海光與自由主義讀本臺大九十週年校慶版-9789863502951","title":"Colorless Thought: Yin Haiguang and Liberalism (National Taiwan University 90th Anniversary Edition)","description":"Yin Haiguang has long been recognized as a model of Taiwan's liberal intellectuals. Dedicated to carrying forward and promoting the ideological and cultural legacy of the May Fourth Movement, he dedicated his pen to advocating for the practical application of democracy and freedom. His persistent criticism of the ignorance and oppression perpetuated by the authoritarian party-state has not only stirred hearts but also inspired reflection.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThis book focuses on Yin Haiguang's intellectual concerns regarding the interpretation of liberal ideals. Focusing on original works that remain relevant and stimulating, it compiles fifteen of his most essential works into a single volume. Editor Pan Guangzhe has designed two sections for each selected article: \"Explanation\" and \"Further Reading.\" The former summarizes the main themes of each article and explains its historical or ideological context, hoping to help readers grasp the key points and background of Yin Haiguang's arguments. The latter cites Yin Haiguang's original works and research findings on related topics, allowing readers to follow their lead and conduct further research. The book also includes relevant illustrations, enriching the reader's interest through a combination of text and images. For readers who \"come into contact\" and \"read\" Yin Haiguang for the first time, this book should be the first window to open Yin Haiguang's world of thought.","brand":"國立臺灣大學出版中心","offers":[{"title":"繁體中文\/Traditional Chinese \/ 平装\/Paperback","offer_id":46584478105839,"sku":"9789863502951","price":27.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/getImage_8e449e60-e6b6-4b38-a9a4-21875a93cc1b.webp?v=1751008153"},{"product_id":"粵語的政治-9789629965891","title":"Cantonese Politics","description":"As a tool of identity politics and a manifestation of cultural struggle, Cantonese has, in recent years, emerged from Hong Kong's rapidly evolving socio-historical landscape, exhibiting increasingly complex contexts and dynamics. On the one hand, facing the dominant influence of Mandarin, Cantonese culture has been steadily retreating in various arenas. On the other hand, the rise of local consciousness has brought language conservation into the public consciousness. Simultaneously, within Hong Kong's diverse ethnic cultural landscape, Cantonese has assumed the power of a dominant cultural symbol, either assimilating or excluding heterogeneous languages ​​and the people they support.\u003cbr\u003e This book focuses on the historical development of Cantonese in Hong Kong. By exploring the politics and transformation of language in border town Hong Kong from three perspectives: its media representation, matinee performances, and political implications, it aims to expand the cultural framework and scope of Hong Kong studies.","brand":"中文大學出版社","offers":[{"title":"繁體中文\/Traditional Chinese \/ 平装\/Paperback","offer_id":46584478859503,"sku":"9789629965891","price":29.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/getImage_61ac4d73-2e3c-4235-a434-cf1b906956a3.webp?v=1751008236"},{"product_id":"決戰熱蘭遮中國首次擊敗西方的關鍵戰役全新審訂版-9789571372174","title":"The Battle of Zeelandia: China's First Crucial Victory over the West (Newly Revised Edition)","description":"▂▂▂▂This battle changed Taiwan's destiny for a century▂▂▂▂\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Opening up new areas of Chinese and Western military history,\u003cbr\u003e Ouyang Tai, a disciple of Shi Jingqian, used rigorous textual research and lively arguments to\u003cbr\u003e Uncover the story of China's first victory over the West in modern history.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \"It is full of pirates, bloody beheadings, betrayal of comrades, and battles by land and sea.\u003cbr\u003e Except this novel happens to be based on a true story!\" -- Jared Diamond, author of Guns, Germs, and Steel and Collapse\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eIn 1661, Zheng Chenggong's restoration efforts suffered setbacks. He retreated from Nanjing to Xiamen, preparing to attack Taiwan. He wrote to the Dutch East India Company governor in Taiwan, Kowloon, expressing his desire to reclaim the lands his father, Zheng Zhilong, had \"leased\" to the East India Company. By then, the East India Company had ruled Taiwan for over thirty years, making it the Netherlands' largest overseas colony. As the governor of Taiwan, Kowloon was naturally reluctant to cede these territories. Conflict erupted, culminating in the year-long Taiwan-Dutch War.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e At that time, the Netherlands won the competition with Britain and defeated Spain and Portugal to become the most powerful empire in the world.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Yet, the Dutch, with their rigorous military training, superior naval skills, and ships equipped with cannons, were defeated by what they viewed as a naval force of pirates and merchants. Why?\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThe rising sinologist Ouyang Tai, tackling a crucial question in global history: \"Why did the West, rather than China, dominate the formation of the modern world?\", identifies the significance of Zheng Chenggong's battle with the Dutch East India Company. With this battle as the central theme, Ouyang Tai meticulously describes the details of this most significant conflict in world history of the 17th century, and how the differences in military technology and strategy between Taiwan and the Netherlands enabled Zheng Chenggong to reverse a potentially disastrous outcome.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Through this battle, which shaped the future of East and West for the next century, we gain a glimpse into the depths of the development of gunpowder technology and the impact of technological warfare on the winners and losers. It also dispels the previous inference that \"the West made rapid progress after the 15th century\" and verifies that the power of China and the West was still evenly matched in the 17th century.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThis book blends the strengths of European military excellence and historical revisionism, making it a masterpiece in military history. Even more remarkable is that Ouyang Tai has honed his extensive literature, simplifying the complexities and reconstructing the very scene of the Taiwan-Dutch War, allowing the reader to experience it as if they were there, with a bird's-eye view of the situation. This is a remarkable work that scholars of Taiwanese history and the general public should not miss.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Good reviews and recommendations\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Li Wenliang (Professor, Department of History, National Taiwan University)\u003cbr\u003e Li Yuzhong (Associate Professor, Institute of History, National Tsing Hua University)\u003cbr\u003e Lin Manhong (Researcher at the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica)\u003cbr\u003e Lin Dezheng (Professor of History, National Cheng Kung University)\u003cbr\u003e Zhang Longzhi (Associate Researcher and Deputy Director of the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica)\u003cbr\u003e Xu Xueji (Director of the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica)\u003cbr\u003e Weng Jiayin (Associate Researcher, Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica)\u003cbr\u003e Chen Zongren (Associate Researcher, Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica)\u003cbr\u003e Chen Guodong (Researcher at the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica)\u003cbr\u003e Zheng Zhengcheng (Professor and Director of the Institute of History, National Central University) \u003cbr\u003eZheng Weizhong (Assistant Researcher, Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica)\u003cbr\u003e Jiang Zhushan (Associate Professor, Department of History, National Dong Hwa University)\u003cbr\u003e Xue Huayuan (Institute of Taiwan History, National Chengchi University)\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The Battle of Zeelandia is the first major war fought by the Chinese against Europeans in Taiwan, a decisive victory that ushered in the Ming Dynasty. Many have written about this war, but Ouyang Tai strikes a unique note. In The Battle of Zeelandia, he blends global history with microhistory, using the larger to illuminate the smaller, and vice versa, bringing a seemingly trite historical event to life. He also incorporates elements like climate and weather, broadening his perspective from the human to the natural. Combining deft prose with a vibrant imagination, he tells stories that have never been told before.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Guodong Chen, Research Fellow at the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eResearching war history, or military history, is difficult. Unless one is familiar with the primary sources left by commanders, participants, and witnesses on both sides, it's impossible to fully grasp the detailed descriptions of each side's weapons, strategies, difficulties encountered, and the commanders' considerations. Author Ouyang Tai meticulously crafts this book, meticulously processing historical materials to vividly depict the 17th-century Zheng-Dutch War, bringing the commanders and participants of both sides to life. This is a delightful read for all ages. More importantly, this war is part of Taiwan's history. Past omissions and ambiguities in education have been clarified, allowing us to re-recognize the decisive battle between Zeelandia and Zheng Guoxing as not only \"the first war between Europe and China,\" but also a crucial battle that determined Taiwan's future history.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Xu Xueji, Director of the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e\"The Final Battle of Zeelandia\" is a captivating historical masterpiece! Readers who enjoy micro-narratives will discover the diverse characters and activities that played out on the Taiwanese island stage in the 17th century. Scholars who appreciate macro-analysis will appreciate how the author reinterprets the Zheng-Holland War of 1661–1662 from the perspectives of global history, climate history, military history, and the history of East-West transportation. After reading the book's fascinating stories, you will discover that Guo Xingye is no longer a distant national hero but a distinguished military strategist with a distinct personality. The Dutch are no longer representatives of advanced European civilization but rather part of a complex network of trade and military activities in East Asian waters during the early modern period. Through Ouyang Tai's brilliant writing and rigorous argument, we will also begin to question the stereotypes of a progressive West and a backward East, and rethink the dominant interpretation of the Great Divergence in Eurasian history. Taiwanese history is actually world history!\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Zhang Longzhi, Associate Researcher and Deputy Director of the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Ouyang Tai not only writes history, but also tells stories. \u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eLi Yuzhong, Associate Professor, Institute of History, National Tsinghua University\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Ouyang Tai depicts the mid-seventeenth-century conflict in southwestern Taiwan as a clash between the two leading military powers of the time, East and West. This allows military historians, originally working within Eurasian contexts, to engage in dialogue and rethink the dynamics of the modern world. He effortlessly transforms archival documents into vivid narratives, using a narrative rich in emotion and humor to vividly recreate historical scenes, making reading a delight.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Li Wenliang, Professor of History, National Taiwan University\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The Zheng He Battle that intersected the Taiwan Strait\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e A thrilling chapter in Taiwanese history is the standoff between Zheng Chenggong and the Dutch from late April 1661 to February 1, 1662. Few works offer such a clear and engaging account of this momentous event, and this book is a rare find.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThe Zheng-Dutch relationship spanned three generations of Zheng Zhilong, Zheng Chenggong, and Zheng Jing. Dutch occupation of Taiwan was the result of the Dutch East India Company's eastward expansion in the 17th century. The two forces met across the Taiwan Strait, from the Fujian coast through Penghu to Taiwan, sparking the \"Zheng-Dutch War,\" a fierce battle that marked the beginning of the Sino-Western conflict.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This book draws on a wealth of primary historical materials and images from both China and the West, and is written in a literary style. Despite this, it is not fictional but grounded in evidence: narrative and argument are interspersed with natural science considerations such as climate change, artillery manufacturing, battleship construction, and fortification techniques.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The author Ouyang Tai compares Chinese and Western historical materials, using them as a secret weapon to explain and highlight history. It is full of depth and is extremely exciting.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This book is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand Taiwanese history during the Dutch colonial period. The author's scholarly prowess is commendable, and the translator, Chen Hsin-hong, has truly achieved fidelity, elegance, and clarity, bringing the original work to life for Chinese readers in a brilliant and insightful manner.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This is a solid and well-written book. Anyone interested in Taiwanese history should definitely read it!\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eLin Dezheng, Professor of History, National Cheng Kung University\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \"The Battle of Zeelandia\" vividly depicts the confrontation and wartime machinations between the Restorationists and the Red-Haired Barbarians during the 17th-century Age of Exploration. With its diverse scenes and props, including disease, typhoons, walruses, castles, troops, artillery, and warships, the film ultimately won Best Actor for the role of the King of Yanping, while the Governor of Formosa, who fought hard to turn the tide but ultimately lost, took home the Best Supporting Actor award. This is a high-quality foreign film that highlights the vigorous defense of the Tulip Kingdom's overseas branches in the old imperialist era. It's also a compelling domestic film about the CEO of a maritime conglomerate, who champions the anti-Qing and restorationist Ming campaigns, and how he envisions the resurgence of the Eastern Capital and the counterattack against the Qing Empire on the west coast of the Taiwan Strait. It's a film worth revisiting.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Zheng Zhengcheng, Professor and Director of the Institute of History, National Central University\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e If you think that Ouyang Tai's book only tells the story of Taiwan's history, then you are completely wrong. He is actually talking about global history, and it is a revisionist global history. \u003cbr\u003eThis global historical portrait, depicting the conflict between the King and the Dutch East India Company, breaks away from the singular Asian or European perspectives of previous military historians. Its narrative technique is as exciting and novelistic as it is breathtaking.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chiang Chu-shan, Associate Professor, Department of History, National Dong Hwa University\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This book can be read as a thrilling novel, filled with pirates, swaggering characters, gory beheadings, comrade betrayal, and battles on land and sea—except this novel happens to be based on real events—or as a revealing exploration of the little-known first war between China and the West, and one that delves into one of the greatest mysteries of world history: why was it Europe, and not China, that colonized the world since the time of Columbus? Either way, this book is sure to leave you wanting more.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Jared Diamond, author of Guns, Germs, and Steel and Collapse\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eFilled with captivating anecdotes, vibrant detail, and the thrills of contemporary fiction, Ouyang Tai's book redefines the debate between revisionists and neo-traditionalists: did—and to what extent—Europe's dominance in the early modern period reflect its technological and military superiority over Asia? The analysis is both insightful and persuasive.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Victor Lieberman\u003cbr\u003e Professor of History at the University of Michigan\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Based on a thorough reading of Chinese and Dutch literature, The Final Battle of Zeelandia examines fascinating interpretive issues and explores the changing nature of military power in various regions of the world during the early modern period. This is a solidly argued and important book that tells a superb story.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e John E. Wills\u003cbr\u003e Author of \"1688: From Emperor Kangxi to the Greek Wanderer, the World in That Year\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThis engaging and meticulously written book attempts to find a balance in the age-old debate over European military preeminence. Examining a pivotal conflict between Asian and European armies, Ouyang Tai explores Dutch colonial activities in Asia and the often symbiotic relationship between Dutch and southern Chinese ventures, showing how the Chinese, through a combination of perseverance and luck, acquired Taiwan by adopting and countering enemy military technology.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Michael Laffan\u003cbr\u003e Professor of History at Princeton University","brand":"時報出版","offers":[{"title":"繁體中文\/Traditional Chinese \/ 平装\/Paperback","offer_id":46584489115887,"sku":"9789571372174","price":26.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/getImage_29813fcd-ed40-49a5-8a3a-fe47c0135fee.webp?v=1751009036"},{"product_id":"特區選舉-9789629376239","title":"SAR elections","description":"Since the introduction of direct elections in 1991, Hong Kong's legislature has maintained a semi-democratic structure. The Legislative Council's proportional representation system, the District Council election model, and the functional constituency electoral system have remained largely unchanged for over two decades since Hong Kong's return to Chinese rule in 1997. How have these components of Hong Kong's electoral system influenced the SAR's political development over the past two decades? It's time to take stock. \u003cbr\u003eSince the 1990s, electoral studies have consistently occupied a significant position in the study of Hong Kong politics, with related party politics and parliamentary politics also becoming a focal point. This book begins with theoretical literature, discussing the unique characteristics of Hong Kong's political system and the role of electoral politics within this system, the evolution of Hong Kong's electoral system, and the changes and influencing factors of Hong Kong's election turnout over the years. The author also analyzes the backgrounds of supporters of different parties in various elections by education, age, and social class, summarizing the practical experience of three types of elections: District Council elections, Legislative Council functional constituency elections, and the proportional representation system for direct Legislative Council elections, as well as voters' voting behavior and their impact on Hong Kong's overall political landscape, including party politics, electoral behavior, parliamentary operations, and the balance of political forces. \u003cbr\u003eHong Kong's electoral politics is about to enter a new phase, and its trajectory is likely to be radically different from that before 2020. This book serves as a sequel and final chapter to \"The Political Effects of the Electoral System,\" published in 2003. It offers a historical review and summary of this system, which has operated for over two decades since the handover in 1997. This book will be a valuable reference for those interested in understanding Hong Kong's electoral experience and analyzing the political transformations of Hong Kong since the handover.","brand":"香港城市大學出版社","offers":[{"title":"繁體中文\/Traditional Chinese \/ 精装\/Hardcover","offer_id":46584512250095,"sku":"9789629376239","price":31.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/getImage_cb8adf0d-75b7-48a0-b4a4-ed5b3714c83c.webp?v=1751010077"},{"product_id":"向下扎根德國教育的公民思辨課2政治人物可以說謊嗎良心要多少才不算太多參與討論的基本知識-9789863444602","title":"Taking root! German Education's Civics Lesson 2 - \"Can politicians lie? How much conscience is too much?\": Basic knowledge for participating in discussions","description":"※Germany's most popular critical reading - Politics※ Citizens are the most important here, but how do we make the right choices? How should we care about politics? ● Can politicians lie? How much conscience is not too much? Politicians lie to run for election and break their promises after the election; in order to force their political opponents into a corner, they use all means to damage their reputation and people's trust in them; some MPs ignore absurd agreement regulations and hand over their conscience at the party gate; some unscrupulous companies pay local politicians in exchange for government tenders... The most terrifying thing is that we seem to have become accustomed to this. \"When politics uses increasingly complex language to try to make you feel like you don't need to know what politicians are doing, that's when we should be alert, because the evils of politics can arise amidst our apathy and indifference.\" -- Shen Qingkai \/ ◎ Money is king!? Who do politicians listen to? ◎ Why is it difficult for small parties to govern? What are excess seats? ◎ What are the responsibilities of the mediation committee? ◎ Referendum proposals - where can you and I influence them? We've likely heard others express their feelings about politics: the usual verbal battles, physical wrestling, and political divisions between the ruling and opposition parties. However, the 318 student movement may have made many people realize that politics is a form of citizen participation and is no longer just \"the business of people managing the affairs of the public.\" Unfortunately, Taiwan's current curriculum is mostly still based on stereotyped teaching rather than focusing on critical thinking, and the time arrangement is relatively compressed, so that students are often exposed to political courses in college; there is an obvious gap in the middle. In contrast, in addition to Chinese, mathematics and science, civic courses also account for a considerable proportion of the compulsory courses in German high schools, such as \"Political Economy\", \"Civil Education\" and \"Social Studies\". Through this long-selling critical reading book in Germany, we see the way German students understand political affairs and how the author uses easy-to-understand examples to guide readers' thinking and stimulate their interest. Admittedly, the content of the book uses Germany as an example. For readers who want to expand their international horizons or students majoring in German, it is undoubtedly a good introductory book. For high school readers, when they first read it, they may start by comparing the differences between Taiwan and Germany. They can also start by picking out interesting topics as topics for discussion to understand politics, which is related to all of our lives. I hope that the seeds of political education can take root in Taiwan in the future. Features of this book: ◎ The author uses real-life examples to explain the various aspects and abstract concepts involved in political news (for example, the purpose and mission of the country's formation, the relationship between money and politics, the issues of taxation and distribution, and various political theories). After reading it, you will find that caring about politics can be so interesting! Taiwan's legal and political systems are largely inherited from Germany. This book offers a comparative political perspective, examining the similarities and differences between Taiwan's current political system and Germany's. This book is also the easiest and most accessible resource for understanding German politics! Award-winning illustrations are included; key points and annotations are highlighted for clarity. ★★Nominated for the Gustav Heinemann Children's Book for Peace Prize★★Amazon Reader Five-Star Recommendation \/ ●Su Huijie, Research Assistant at the Institute of European and American Studies, Academia Sinica: What can we learn from this \"German Politics Reader\"? Through passages on the Nazi and East German authoritarian regimes, as well as the US-Soviet Cold War, we can see Taiwan's own 38-year history of martial law and its helpless position between powerful states. From this perspective, readers may be able to more deeply appreciate the temporal context of the German Constitution's design, and understand how a nation's constitution-makers, faced with historical trauma and domestic and international circumstances, designed a political system that provides equal and sustainable protection for all citizens of our shared nation. Furthermore, who should be guaranteed equal rights in marriage, energy security, intergenerational justice, and working conditions? Can I? Can you? Are we willing to unite and protect him? For Taiwanese society today, mired in decades of political apathy during the White Terror, isolated from international political participation yet deeply impacted by economic globalization, and witnessing and experiencing the anti-establishment democratic movement and even democratic degeneration from 2014 to 2016, this book reminds us once again that politics is a daily matter affecting all of us. It also spurs us to reconsider the simple yet profound question: \"Where do we each come from, and where are we going together?\" ● Shen Qingkai, PhD in Philosophy from the University of Leuven, Belgium: \"Politics\" covers everything from civil rights to federalism, party politics, separation of powers, and bill passing, as well as various political theories ranging from the left-right spectrum to the different meanings represented by various ideologies such as capitalism, liberalism, socialism, and communism, as well as issues of taxation and distribution, to the acute relationship between money and politics, the principle of interest avoidance for those holding public power, and how the media, as the fourth estate, monitors these powerful individuals. From a focus on domestic politics to a consideration of international geopolitics: Introductions to diverse organizations such as the Geneva Treaty, NATO, the Cold War, the European Community, the UN Security Council, and the International Criminal Court illustrate the breadth of political education and provide an understanding of the kind of political thinking the author aims to impart to the next generation. With the emergence of the European far right, even neo-Nazis, and the threat posed by terrorism, should Germans cling to a defense of national sovereignty and ignore refugees and immigrants? Or should they understand how xenophobia is manipulated and the need for calm and rational thinking? The purpose of political education is not only to provide a reference for future politicians but also to offer current politicians the opportunity to reflect on the purpose of politics, if not the pursuit of personal gain. It also reminds them of their original aspiration for publicness. Author\/Director of the Taichung Municipal Huiwen High School Library, Cai Qihua: When the speaker is reticent and the listener is indifferent, it means the speaker has lost their voice in the clamorous postmodern world. Therefore, we need to read \"Basic Knowledge for Defending Rights\" and rethink which piece of the puzzle of our literacy within the frameworks of democracy, politics, and philosophy is missing, preventing us from becoming voices in the 21st century. This book is concise and clear, using real-world examples for easy reading. It is a long-seller among German youth. Taiwan, which hopes to inherit much of its legal and political system from Germany, should seriously study this set of books. This will allow Taiwan to become, like Germany, a global center of political, economic, and cultural development by speaking out! [Praise from All Circles] (Listed by the number of strokes in surname) Wu Fengwei, Associate Professor of Philosophy at Chinese Culture University and Chairman of the Taiwan Association for the Promotion of High School Philosophy Education; Shen Youzhong, Professor of Political Science at Tunghai University; Shen Qingkai, PhD in Philosophy from the University of Leuven, Belgium; Zhou Weitong, Civics and Social Studies Teacher at National Taitung Girls' High School and Founder of the Civic Teachers' Action Alliance; Lin Yuli, Reporter and Author of \"The Heart of Europe: How Germany Changed Itself\"; Lin Jiafan, Professor and Head of the Department of Public Affairs at National Taiwan Normal University; Lin Qianru, Civics and Social Studies Teacher at Chiang Kai-shek Junior High School; Lin Lijing, Author of \"My Youth, My FORMOSA\"; Lin Jingjun, Philosophy Teacher at Nangang Senior High School Course teacher and planner: Hong Wei, Master of Philosophy from Tsinghua University, owner of Lishan Coffee, and co-convener of Wocaola Philosophy; Liang Jiayu, Secretary-General of the Taiwan High School Philosophy Education Promotion Association; Xu Quanyi, Social Science teacher at Taichung First High School; Huang Yizhong, author of Saffron Parenting, and author of \"Thinking\"; Yang Cui, Associate Professor of Chinese Literature at National Dong Hwa University; Ye Hao, Associate Professor of Political Science at National Chengchi University; Cai Qihua, writer and library director of Taichung Municipal Huiwen Senior High School; Cai Qinghua, Independent Commentary @ Tianxia, ​​author of the \"German Thinking\" column and secretary of the Frankfurt Office; Zheng Kaiyuan, co-founder of Philosophy New Media, and personal communication writer; Luo Yijun, author of \"Family Communication\"","brand":"麥田","offers":[{"title":"繁體中文\/Traditional Chinese \/ 平装\/Paperback","offer_id":46636348965103,"sku":"9789863444602","price":18.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/getImage_77ffdbd3-a30f-4e6a-9e4c-1dba49a7d723.webp?v=1752738028"},{"product_id":"中国香港-9789620451010","title":"Hong Kong, China","description":"\"Hong Kong's mainstream narratives either view Hong Kong from the West, or from Hong Kong, or from Hong Kong to China, but rarely from China. If they do, they tend to view Hong Kong from the perspective of historical China, rather than from the perspective of present or future China. Colonial rule meant not only territorial occupation but also spiritual occupation, and this spiritual occupation led to changes in self-identity that gradually legitimized the territorial occupation. In this process, culture and politics intertwined, driving the joys and sorrows of Hong Kong's story.\"\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eIt is precisely around the issue of \"spiritual division\" that remains to this day that Professor Qiang Shigong has completely revised his famous book \"Hong Kong, China\" on the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to China. With more than twice the length of the original edition, he starts from the interactive perspective of the global \"empire-civilization\" order since the Age of Discovery, uses history to guide theory, and tells the ins and outs of the Hong Kong issue before 1997. He shows the ups and downs of Hong Kong in the interaction between the British rulers and the Chinese elites, the comparison of different forces within Hong Kong, the game between China and Britain, and the competition among global powers, the choice of path and the reconstruction of order. He also proposes \"using Hong Kong as a method\" to make full use of this \"new frontier\" of civilizational integration, not only to solve the urgent practical problem of Hong Kong people's return, but also to think about the long-term strategic issues of China's rise and civilizational revival.","brand":"三联书店（香港）有限公司","offers":[{"title":"繁體中文\/Traditional Chinese \/ 平装\/Paperback","offer_id":46636371116271,"sku":"9789620451010","price":43.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/s34447228.jpg?v=1752738592"},{"product_id":"民主與兩岸動向-9789863876793","title":"Democracy and Cross-Strait Trends","description":"Yu Ying-shih's only collection of political commentaries published during his lifetime: The lifting of martial law in Taiwan, the June Fourth Movement in China, and the fall of the Berlin Wall – key moments in the life of the master.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e First published in September 1993, this book compiles all of Yu Ying-shih's key articles from his prime years, when he was a frequent contributor to Taiwanese media. Unavailable online and hard to find in the secondary market, this new edition is a long-awaited success.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The earliest piece was written on the night of Chiang Ching-kuo's death, and the latest was written shortly after the 1993 Kuo-Wang talks, when Taiwan was most enthusiastic about engaging with the CCP. \"Intellectuals and 'Bachelors'\" and \"A Year of Total 'Alienation,'\" written after the June 4th Incident, are even more renowned both domestically and internationally, containing Yu Ying-shih's most important arguments about the CCP.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The new edition was edited by Yan Zeya, who added editorial notes and comments, and three new articles, all of which are included in Yu Yingshi's collected works for the first time.","brand":"印刻","offers":[{"title":"繁體中文\/Traditional Chinese \/ 平装\/Paperback","offer_id":46636374032623,"sku":"9789863876793","price":25.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/getImage_f5e596ed-0c8c-413d-afe3-a513bf21181e.webp?v=1752738764"},{"product_id":"歷史記憶的倫理從轉型正義到超克過去-9789863508106","title":"The Ethics of Historical Memory: From Transformational Justice to Overcoming the Past","description":"Since the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) assumed full power in 2016, a series of significant legislation (including the Transitional Justice Act, the Party Assets Act, and the Political Archives Act), judicial interpretations, and administrative actions have propelled transitional justice to a new stage. However, in the post-Transitional Justice Commission era, the development of transitional justice appears to have stagnated and faced significant uncertainty. Simply attributing this predicament to a lack of political will on the part of those in power or a lack of public awareness underestimates the true challenges of developing transitional justice in Taiwan.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This book, drawing on the expertise of scholars from across disciplines and a wide range of theoretical resources, offers a diagnostic approach to this issue. The authors argue that the development of transitional justice in Taiwan and the shaping of Taiwan's collective historical memory are interconnected, involving complex theoretical and practical issues that have yet to be effectively addressed. Broad, in-depth, and open social dialogue offers the only path out of this impasse. 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It can even be said that this group, in a sense, laid the foundation for critical literary theory in the 20th century, providing its core concepts and methodologies, and its influence spans the entire field of contemporary Western cultural thought. The main body of the original book is divided into four parts: (1) The debate between Bloch and Lukács on Expressionism, written in the 1930s; (2) Brecht's four short essays refuting Lukács, and Benjamin's recorded conversations with Brecht; (3) Four letters between Adorno and Benjamin concerning Benjamin's Arcades Project, Baudelaire studies, and art in the age of mechanical reproduction; and (4) Adorno's two lengthy essays criticizing Lukács and Brecht, written in the 1950s.","brand":"西北大学出版社","offers":[{"title":"简体中文\/Simplified Chinese \/ 精装\/Hardcover","offer_id":47743700402415,"sku":"9787560455242","price":32.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0714\/4849\/4319\/files\/getImage_011c8c89-2d6a-4876-acea-5c743db66c03.webp?v=1771453413"},{"product_id":"美國的反智傳統-9786267509203","title":"America's anti-intellectual tradition","description":"Why does history keep repeating itself? Why has conservative populism risen again?\u003cbr\u003e\"Anti-intellectualism\" is part of America's deep-rooted culture and historical tradition.\u003cbr\u003eTrump's \"anti-intellectual\" undercurrent has always been etched in the bones of Americans.\u003cbr\u003e★New Revised Edition 2025★\u003cbr\u003e★The most classic work by two-time Pulitzer Prize winner Richard Hofstadter★\u003cbr\u003eJointly recommended by renowned scholars such as Yu Ying-shih, Yuan Ju-cheng, Wang Fan-sen, Yen Chen-shen, and Yang Chao.\u003cbr\u003eAcademician Yu Ying-shih: \"This is a masterpiece that will be passed down in the history of American historiography... It is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand America today.\"\u003cbr\u003eProfessor Chen Szu-hsien: \"The content of this book not only deeply attracted me but also answered some questions that had accumulated in my mind during my life in America. I truly had an 'aha!' moment.\"\u003cbr\u003eHofstadter, active in the mid-20th century, was one of the few scholars who first noticed the phenomenon of \"anti-intellectualism\" in American culture. As a professor of American history at Columbia University, he deeply felt Americans' disregard and hostility towards pure scholarship, such as deep humanistic cultivation and abstract rational thought. In 1963, he published \"Anti-intellectualism in American Life,\" a book combining intellectual history, social history, and political history. In it, he severely criticized the anti-intellectual thinking of populists, conservatives, and the far-right, while also providing a systematic and historically deep examination of anti-intellectualism. This book argues that anti-intellectualism is not just a temporary populist phenomenon, nor is it necessarily irrational impulsiveness; it reflects a tradition formed by Americans in their unique historical and cultural background. For example:\u003cbr\u003e◆The experience of breaking away from Britain to establish an independent nation often led Americans to view history as a symbol of backwardness, corruption, and the exploitation of common people by feudal aristocrats.\u003cbr\u003e◆Christian evangelical denominations advocated for followers' heartfelt inspiration and direct communication with God, rejecting theological discussions and contemplation.\u003cbr\u003e◆The Founding Fathers' insistence on equality quickly shifted American politics towards a focus on common people who were simple, diligent, down-to-earth, and lacked higher education, marginalizing intellectuals and the gentry.\u003cbr\u003e◆The booming commercial culture further directed America's education system towards practical purposes, underestimating liberal arts and humanities education.\u003cbr\u003eThus, we see that Jefferson, who drafted the Declaration of Independence, was criticized as unfit to be president because he was too learned; Theodore Roosevelt won voters' favor through his hunting skills; industrialist Andrew Carnegie criticized university education as fatally damaging to business; Tennessee had a congressman who boasted about not being able to write his own name, and Michigan paid teachers less than janitors—these are some of the incredible phenomena.\u003cbr\u003eUpon its publication in 1963, this book caused a sensation, winning the Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction, the Emerson Award, and the Sidney Hillman Prize. Beyond the United States, the book also sparked a wide response. Contemporary Chinese historian Yu Ying-shih's 1975 essay \"Anti-Intellectualism and Chinese Tradition\" was inspired by this book. 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